You want malays to fuck your daughters, sisters and mother instead?
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Chitchat Ahok Files Divorce from Veronica Because She Has Another Man for 7 Years
- Thread starter Victory2016
- Start date
m&ds will do it if given the chance. They have done it many times b4
..always in the news when they put a gag order...to protect the vitmin....sighhh
What a stupid and childish retort.
Hey Cantonese loser no need to keep upping this thead to insinuate insults on me lah. How about this just take up my challenge to swear if I am NOT virgin aka not slut whore mistress, then you explode into a million pieces.Toggle navigation
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Ahok joins ruling Indonesian party
image: https://www.thestar.com.my/~/media/...hash=E212C3AA9A75B59ABCCBA3250CED80E3BE8CA300
- ASEAN+
- Sunday, 10 Feb 2019
Red hot comeback: Ahok (centre) meeting the press with Bali deputy governor Tjokorda Oka Artha Ardana Sukawati and Bali legislative council speaker Nyoman Adi Wiryatama after a visit to PDI-P’s Bali office in Denpasar. — The Jakarta Post/Asia News Network
Jakarta: Former Jakarta governor Basuki “BTP” Tjahaja Purnama, also known as Ahok, has officially joined the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), ending speculation of whether the Chinese-Indonesian politician would ever return to politics after being convicted of blasphemy nearly two years ago.
Ahok announced his decision in Bali on Friday following a meeting with leaders of the party’s chapter on the resort island, tribunnews.com reported.
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Wearing a red jacket, the PDI-P’s signature colour, Ahok told reporters: “I have (thought about this). I have always been a sympathiser.”
The PDI-P is the party of Ahok’s former partners at the Jakarta administration, President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo and Djarot Saeful Hidayat.
Ahok was Jokowi’s deputy governor when the latter served as Jakarta governor.
Djarot took Ahok’s job when Jokowi was elected president and left his position to Ahok.
The former governor said that he had chosen the PDI-P because the party “fits my ideology”.
PDI-P executive Hendrawan Supratikno said that Ahok had long been considered a PDI-P member as he was someone who both understood and accepted the party’s ideology.
“I heard that he already has a party membership card, so there are no administrative issues anymore,” he said.
Ahok’s decision to join the PDI-P is hardly surprising, with Djarot insinuating weeks before his release that the former governor would join his party.
Few thought that Ahok would announce his decision to join the PDI-P this early.
Jokowi’s political rivals have repeatedly attacked the president’s alliance with Ahok.
The latest anti-Ahok rally in Jakarta saw a call made by an Islamist leader who told Muslims to shun parties that backed “the blasphemer”.
Ahok was sentenced to two years in prison for blasphemy following a speech he made in Thousand Islands regency in September 2016 that referred to Al-Maidah verse 51 in the Quran. — The Jakarta Post/Asia News Network
TAGS / KEYWORDS:Indonesia
cYEMr.99
Don’t be scared ok Cantonese loser. I am not scared as I am a virgin and have nothing to be scared. I swear yesterday and no problem to repeat: If I am NOT a virgin, I will explode into a million pieces. See?
Why would I bother if u r virgin ? Or old hag prostitute? I am just putting up news on ahok. Did I say anything about u? And did I make any comments about u? So go fuck yr faggot lover Assterix...or have u caught him with a CAQ n u are now jilted?
Actually to protect the victim is a good excuse to avoid naming the criminal. So when the criminal is out of jail. He basics has a clean record... because the file is sealed
U talking to yourself? How come u answer to Ur own post? Are u retarded? Anyway Ur postings proves u r retarded
What about Muhammad and Aisha?
COWARD bully dare not swear then shut up your ccb mouth and stop upping this old thread ok. Cantonese like you are so sneaky scheming coward bully. This is not the first time that you upped this old thread ok. The first time was right after I told you hokkiens ambition is make money while Hakkas ambition is to get power and that’s why many political leaders from Spore to Taiwan to Thailand to Indonesia are Hakkas and straight away you upped this Hakka Ahok thread after I said that. And now you upped this thread again to attack me because you Cantonese have nothing to retort on hokkiens honest and solid achievements.
I post articles about ahok. U not happy. Go screw yrself...
It seems tat ahok has lost popularity in indonland. Maybe he should just quit politics.. make the mudslimes happy.
No you are not. You are upping old news about his wife having affair.
Oh yes his ex wife had an affair n it's the best thing tat happen to him. Now he got a much better partner. Wat a lucky guy
Mar 10, 2019
Written by NADIRSYAH HOSEN Print
Source/ Joko Widodo Instagram
Category:Edition 135: Jan-Mar 2019
Published:Mar 08, 2019
Tagged under
Nadirsyah Hosen
At the gates of hell, an Indonesian guy, let’s say Budi, meets Hitler who killed six million Jews, and Pol Pot who committed genocide against nearly two million Cambodians. They ask Budi, ‘How many people did you kill?’ Budi replies, ‘None. Actually, I was a good Muslim who prayed five times a day, fulfilled my obligations of fasting at Ramadan, paying charity and even visiting Mecca for the pilgrimage.’
Both Hitler and Pol Pot are shocked to hear this. ‘So what exactly did you do, that you ended up here in the hell?’
‘I am not sure; perhaps it was because I did not follow what the preachers said during Friday sermon, not to vote for Jokowi [President Joko Widodo] in the elections.’
This fable illustrates the return of political and religious identity in the lead up to the Indonesian parliamentary and presidential elections of April 2019. This started in the 2014 presidential elections when Jokowi was nominated for the first time. Although he won the election, he suffered from a smear campaign that questioned, among other things, whether he was a genuine Muslim.
When Jokowi left his post as Governor of Jakarta to take up the presidency, it opened the door for his deputy, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), to assume the governorship. Ahok fell from his position in the Jakarta gubernatorial election in 2017 after his political opponents successfully weaponised Islamic sentiment against him. Friday sermons were full of hate speech, and preachers even warned people that they would burn in hell if they voted for Ahok, an ethnic Chinese-Christian.
Ahok’s efforts to remedy Jakarta’s administrative and social problems were almost entirely overshadowed by the claim that he had mocked a Qur’anic verse (al-Maidah: 51). Mass demonstrations were held in the city. The court sentenced Ahok to two years’ jail, based on the blasphemy provisions of Indonesia’s Criminal Code.
Jokowi seems to realise that the same ‘Islamic sentiment’ card could be used against him in the 2019 elections. In a surprise move, under pressure from his coalition parties, he selected Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate. Among other reasons, Ma’ruf was seen as a safe candidate who could prevent the ‘Islamic’ card being played against Jokowi. As a senior leader of the mass Islamic organisation Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council), Ma’ruf provides Jokowi with a trump card of his own.
It would appear that Jokowi is also playing the God card, not only to save his position as president, but perhaps also to save people like Budi from going to hell. Since his nomination, Ma’ruf has paid visits to pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) belonging to NU. He has met Islamic leaders, particularly from his own area of West Java, where Jokowi lost badly in 2014. Ma’ruf has used Islamic terms to criticise Jokowi’s opponents, and even to claim that Jokowi is also a santri (a student of a pesantren) – a claim that can easily be refuted. Even then, Ma’ruf may not have done enough to upgrade Jokowi’s credentials in the eyes of Muslim voters.
Jokowi gets closer to Nahdlatul Ulama
To Jokowi’s surprise, his opponent Prabowo Subianto ignored the vice-presidential recommendations made by Habib Rizieq Shihab from the FPI (Islamic Defenders Front) and other conservative groups. Prabowo picked as his running mate Sandiaga Uno, who has no background as a Muslim activist, instead of choosing one of the two alternative candidates with strong Islamic backgrounds: Salim Segaf and Abdul Somad, suggested by Rizieq’s groups.
Rumours about how and why Prabowo picked Sandiaga Uno, one of Indonesia’s wealthiest Indigenous businesspeople, have circulated on social media. PKS (Justice and Welfare Party), an Islamist party that has supported Prabowo since 2014, quickly responded by labelling Sandiaga as a ‘post-Islamism’ santri, meaning he is devout despite not showing outward signs of piety – this is despite the fact that Sandiaga studied at a Catholic school rather than a pesantren. Rizieq and his groups ultimately approved of Sandiaga as Prabowo’s running mate, but this does not mean Prabowo’s camp will stop using the ‘Islamic sentiment’ card against Jokowi.
While carefully urging their supporters not to attack Ma’ruf, a respected Islamic figure, the Prabowo-Sandiaga team continues to attack Jokowi’s Islamic credentials, particularly in social media and at Friday sermons. They sent this issue viral when Jokowi, in his Javanese accent, asked people to recite the ‘al-Fatekah’ chapter in the Qur’an. The correct pronunciation is ‘al-Fatihah’. They attacked Jokowi for not knowing how to pronounce the name of this chapter properly.
Sandiago Uno often plays his 'santri' card
Ma’ruf was criticised when he addressed Christian leaders using the Islamic greeting: Assalamu ‘Alaikum wa rahmatullahi wa Barakatuh. A general understanding is that this greeting can be used only between Muslims. According to Prabowo’s supporters, this indicated that Ma’ruf had sold out his Islamic beliefs just to get votes from Christian leaders. They ignored the fact that there are many different opinions in Islamic literature about the greeting. Ma’ruf could argue, with his extensive Islamic knowledge, that he selected an opinion that allowed him to greet Christians in that manner.
Both candidates are thus using the ‘Islamic’ card. The only difference is that Jokowi’s camp is using it to promote his credentials as a good Muslim, whereas Prabowo’s camp is using it to continue attacking Jokowi. The question is why are they not also using it to promote Prabowo’s own claimed Islamic credentials. That might be too risky.
Admittedly during his military career, Prabowo was known to be a member of the ‘green’ military faction, comprising generals who were close to, and supported, Islamic groups. The opposing ‘red-white’ faction of the military comprised generals who took a neutral position, not siding with either Islam or the State.
Prabowo’s membership of the green faction provides him a long-standing relationship with Islamists dating to the Suharto era. Even so, many people – including Prabowo’s own supporters – question whether Prabowo is a practising Muslim. Moreover, many of Prabowo’s family are not Muslims, for instance his brother Hashim. This explains why his supporters have chosen to attack Jokowi’s Islamic credentials, rather than building a more positive image of Prabowo as a good Muslim.
The dilemma for Jokowi’s camp is whether they want to use the ‘Islamic sentiment’ card to attack Prabowo. When there was a suggestion from Prabowo’s camp that the presidential debate should be conducted in English (to mock Jokowi’s Javanese accent), Jokowi’s camp quickly responded by suggesting that the debate should be in Arabic (to mock Sandiaga’s new label as a santri though he can’t speak Arabic). Jokowi’s camp even repeated Vice-President Jusuf Kalla’s statement from the 2014 campaign calling for a Qur’an recital test between Jokowi and Prabowo. Jokowi may have a Javanese accent, but at least he is known to be able to read the Qur’an, while the public has never heard Prabowo reciting the Qur’an.
Although both candidates have used the 'Islamic' card, albeit in different ways, neither side has yet backed it with substantive programs. Jokowi, with an infrastructure focus in his development program, has not provided us with a clear idea of what he is going to do regarding pesantren, Islamic banks, Islamic universities and Islamic organisations. How can he counter radicalisation in schools and mosques? Even with Ma’ruf at his side, he hasn’t presented a clear deradicalisation program as yet.
Prabowo’s camp, whose campaign focuses on economic issues, has similarly been busy criticising Jokowi’s performance and Islamic credentials, but what specific programs can they offer that help Muslims, particularly in rural areas, who suffer financial hardships? This remains a missing element from the current debate. The Grameen Bank in Bangladesh is one model Prabowo could adopt, but so far we have not seen any real programs for Muslims at the grassroots level.
Of course the campaign still has months to run and these dynamics could shift again as election day draws nearer and the stakes heighten for the two camps. To date, Jokowi maintains a comfortable lead in the polls, despite attacks on his devotion as a Muslim. What is clear is that both sides are playing the God card in their own ways in pursuit of an edge in the election.
And so, back to Budi in hell. Budi might well protest to God, ‘Why did you put me here in hell with Hitler and Pol Pot? Can’t you see that what I did is nothing compared with them? Whom did you choose in the Indonesian presidential election?’
God smiles. ‘Sorry, I chose golput (abstained from voting)!’
Nadirsyah Hosen ([email protected]) is a senior lecturer at the Faculty of Law at Monash University and the chair of the advisory board for the Australia-New Zealand branch of Nahdlatul Ulama. He is an associate of the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society at the Melbourne Law School.
- Home
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- Edition 135: Jan-Mar 2019
- God in the Indonesian elections
Written by NADIRSYAH HOSEN Print
Source/ Joko Widodo Instagram
Category:Edition 135: Jan-Mar 2019
Published:Mar 08, 2019
Tagged under
Nadirsyah Hosen
At the gates of hell, an Indonesian guy, let’s say Budi, meets Hitler who killed six million Jews, and Pol Pot who committed genocide against nearly two million Cambodians. They ask Budi, ‘How many people did you kill?’ Budi replies, ‘None. Actually, I was a good Muslim who prayed five times a day, fulfilled my obligations of fasting at Ramadan, paying charity and even visiting Mecca for the pilgrimage.’
Both Hitler and Pol Pot are shocked to hear this. ‘So what exactly did you do, that you ended up here in the hell?’
‘I am not sure; perhaps it was because I did not follow what the preachers said during Friday sermon, not to vote for Jokowi [President Joko Widodo] in the elections.’
This fable illustrates the return of political and religious identity in the lead up to the Indonesian parliamentary and presidential elections of April 2019. This started in the 2014 presidential elections when Jokowi was nominated for the first time. Although he won the election, he suffered from a smear campaign that questioned, among other things, whether he was a genuine Muslim.
When Jokowi left his post as Governor of Jakarta to take up the presidency, it opened the door for his deputy, Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), to assume the governorship. Ahok fell from his position in the Jakarta gubernatorial election in 2017 after his political opponents successfully weaponised Islamic sentiment against him. Friday sermons were full of hate speech, and preachers even warned people that they would burn in hell if they voted for Ahok, an ethnic Chinese-Christian.
Ahok’s efforts to remedy Jakarta’s administrative and social problems were almost entirely overshadowed by the claim that he had mocked a Qur’anic verse (al-Maidah: 51). Mass demonstrations were held in the city. The court sentenced Ahok to two years’ jail, based on the blasphemy provisions of Indonesia’s Criminal Code.
Jokowi seems to realise that the same ‘Islamic sentiment’ card could be used against him in the 2019 elections. In a surprise move, under pressure from his coalition parties, he selected Ma’ruf Amin as his running mate. Among other reasons, Ma’ruf was seen as a safe candidate who could prevent the ‘Islamic’ card being played against Jokowi. As a senior leader of the mass Islamic organisation Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and MUI (Indonesian Ulema Council), Ma’ruf provides Jokowi with a trump card of his own.
It would appear that Jokowi is also playing the God card, not only to save his position as president, but perhaps also to save people like Budi from going to hell. Since his nomination, Ma’ruf has paid visits to pesantren (Islamic boarding schools) belonging to NU. He has met Islamic leaders, particularly from his own area of West Java, where Jokowi lost badly in 2014. Ma’ruf has used Islamic terms to criticise Jokowi’s opponents, and even to claim that Jokowi is also a santri (a student of a pesantren) – a claim that can easily be refuted. Even then, Ma’ruf may not have done enough to upgrade Jokowi’s credentials in the eyes of Muslim voters.
To Jokowi’s surprise, his opponent Prabowo Subianto ignored the vice-presidential recommendations made by Habib Rizieq Shihab from the FPI (Islamic Defenders Front) and other conservative groups. Prabowo picked as his running mate Sandiaga Uno, who has no background as a Muslim activist, instead of choosing one of the two alternative candidates with strong Islamic backgrounds: Salim Segaf and Abdul Somad, suggested by Rizieq’s groups.
Rumours about how and why Prabowo picked Sandiaga Uno, one of Indonesia’s wealthiest Indigenous businesspeople, have circulated on social media. PKS (Justice and Welfare Party), an Islamist party that has supported Prabowo since 2014, quickly responded by labelling Sandiaga as a ‘post-Islamism’ santri, meaning he is devout despite not showing outward signs of piety – this is despite the fact that Sandiaga studied at a Catholic school rather than a pesantren. Rizieq and his groups ultimately approved of Sandiaga as Prabowo’s running mate, but this does not mean Prabowo’s camp will stop using the ‘Islamic sentiment’ card against Jokowi.
While carefully urging their supporters not to attack Ma’ruf, a respected Islamic figure, the Prabowo-Sandiaga team continues to attack Jokowi’s Islamic credentials, particularly in social media and at Friday sermons. They sent this issue viral when Jokowi, in his Javanese accent, asked people to recite the ‘al-Fatekah’ chapter in the Qur’an. The correct pronunciation is ‘al-Fatihah’. They attacked Jokowi for not knowing how to pronounce the name of this chapter properly.
Ma’ruf was criticised when he addressed Christian leaders using the Islamic greeting: Assalamu ‘Alaikum wa rahmatullahi wa Barakatuh. A general understanding is that this greeting can be used only between Muslims. According to Prabowo’s supporters, this indicated that Ma’ruf had sold out his Islamic beliefs just to get votes from Christian leaders. They ignored the fact that there are many different opinions in Islamic literature about the greeting. Ma’ruf could argue, with his extensive Islamic knowledge, that he selected an opinion that allowed him to greet Christians in that manner.
Both candidates are thus using the ‘Islamic’ card. The only difference is that Jokowi’s camp is using it to promote his credentials as a good Muslim, whereas Prabowo’s camp is using it to continue attacking Jokowi. The question is why are they not also using it to promote Prabowo’s own claimed Islamic credentials. That might be too risky.
Admittedly during his military career, Prabowo was known to be a member of the ‘green’ military faction, comprising generals who were close to, and supported, Islamic groups. The opposing ‘red-white’ faction of the military comprised generals who took a neutral position, not siding with either Islam or the State.
Prabowo’s membership of the green faction provides him a long-standing relationship with Islamists dating to the Suharto era. Even so, many people – including Prabowo’s own supporters – question whether Prabowo is a practising Muslim. Moreover, many of Prabowo’s family are not Muslims, for instance his brother Hashim. This explains why his supporters have chosen to attack Jokowi’s Islamic credentials, rather than building a more positive image of Prabowo as a good Muslim.
The dilemma for Jokowi’s camp is whether they want to use the ‘Islamic sentiment’ card to attack Prabowo. When there was a suggestion from Prabowo’s camp that the presidential debate should be conducted in English (to mock Jokowi’s Javanese accent), Jokowi’s camp quickly responded by suggesting that the debate should be in Arabic (to mock Sandiaga’s new label as a santri though he can’t speak Arabic). Jokowi’s camp even repeated Vice-President Jusuf Kalla’s statement from the 2014 campaign calling for a Qur’an recital test between Jokowi and Prabowo. Jokowi may have a Javanese accent, but at least he is known to be able to read the Qur’an, while the public has never heard Prabowo reciting the Qur’an.
Although both candidates have used the 'Islamic' card, albeit in different ways, neither side has yet backed it with substantive programs. Jokowi, with an infrastructure focus in his development program, has not provided us with a clear idea of what he is going to do regarding pesantren, Islamic banks, Islamic universities and Islamic organisations. How can he counter radicalisation in schools and mosques? Even with Ma’ruf at his side, he hasn’t presented a clear deradicalisation program as yet.
Prabowo’s camp, whose campaign focuses on economic issues, has similarly been busy criticising Jokowi’s performance and Islamic credentials, but what specific programs can they offer that help Muslims, particularly in rural areas, who suffer financial hardships? This remains a missing element from the current debate. The Grameen Bank in Bangladesh is one model Prabowo could adopt, but so far we have not seen any real programs for Muslims at the grassroots level.
Of course the campaign still has months to run and these dynamics could shift again as election day draws nearer and the stakes heighten for the two camps. To date, Jokowi maintains a comfortable lead in the polls, despite attacks on his devotion as a Muslim. What is clear is that both sides are playing the God card in their own ways in pursuit of an edge in the election.
And so, back to Budi in hell. Budi might well protest to God, ‘Why did you put me here in hell with Hitler and Pol Pot? Can’t you see that what I did is nothing compared with them? Whom did you choose in the Indonesian presidential election?’
God smiles. ‘Sorry, I chose golput (abstained from voting)!’
Nadirsyah Hosen ([email protected]) is a senior lecturer at the Faculty of Law at Monash University and the chair of the advisory board for the Australia-New Zealand branch of Nahdlatul Ulama. He is an associate of the Centre for Indonesian Law, Islam and Society at the Melbourne Law School.
