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PUBLISHED : Wednesday, 03 December, 2014, 5:07am
UPDATED : Wednesday, 03 December, 2014, 5:07am
Hong Kong Occupy 'leaders' set for another show by turning themselves in to police
(From left) Chan Kin-man, Benny Tai and Chu Yiu-ming say they will surrender to police and call off the occupation campaign. Photo: Kyodo
Last year, which now seems a lifetime away, I had a long lunch with Benny Tai Yiu-ting. Something about the guy made me like - even respect - him. He was modest but clever, and absolutely convinced he was on the right (and righteous) path. Occupy Central was still a theoretical plan he had concocted and was then generating city-wide debate. He had all the steps and plans neatly thought out.
His partners-in-crime, Dr Chan Kin-man and the Reverend Chu Yiu-ming, would later join him to kick-start the movement. If they only knew that the best-laid war plans would get thrown out of the window the minute the first shot was fired in battle...
It's almost tragic the trio - a legal academic, a sociologist and a pastor - who will finally turn themselves in to police today after dithering for weeks, have so much religious faith - all three are devout Christians - yet know so little about politics and political organisation. So they never managed to get ahead of the movement they helped inspire.
They were left behind by developments on the ground from day one - starting in late September when students boycotted classes. Activists then decided to occupy Mong Kok, Admiralty and Causeway Bay - anywhere but Central. The waves of protest were truly spontaneous. And peaceful or not, they had no time for Tai's theoretical plan about how the protest movement should unfold. The man at the centre of political debate for almost two years suddenly became almost irrelevant. Despite his faith in the virtue of the masses, democracy still needs real leaders.
So in an absurd and pitiful way, these three well-meaning men have been left to fight for democracy by holding press conferences. They shaved their heads before the camera. Now that their locks have grown back, they announced yesterday, yet again, that they would turn themselves in.
But what crime have they committed when they were barely involved in the protests and clashes with police? The three told their followers to come along at exactly 3pm today for the long-awaited occasion. The delusional and unhinged Catholic Cardinal Joseph Zen Ze-kiun will join the three Occupy activists. It promises to be another media circus, full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.
The Occupy Central trio of Benny Tai, Dr Chan Kin-man and the Reverend Chu Yiu-ming walk to Central Police Station yesterday. Photo: Reuters
The three co-founders of Occupy Central and more than 60 of their supporters were not arrested or charged yesterday after they turned themselves in for taking part in unauthorised assemblies since late September.
The trio - Benny Tai Yiu-ting, the Reverend Chu Yiu-ming and Dr Chan Kin-man - arrived at the Central Police Station in Sheung Wan with a letter they signed, admitting they had taken part in a rally from September 28 and might have broken laws under the Public Order Ordinance.
Through the surrender, the trio aimed to bring a peaceful end to the civil disobedience movement they initiated.
Tai said that during their one-hour stay at the station, police questioned them with a "specially designed" form that listed offences including participating, organising or inciting people to participate in an unauthorised assembly, vandalism and obstructing a policeman's duty.
They were also asked to specify the locations of the alleged offences, such as Harcourt Road or the government's headquarters.
Members of anti-occupy "Justice Alliance" and "Blue Ribbon" hold banners of jailed prisoners' illustrations with portraits of (from left) Benny Tai Yiu-ting, Jimmy Lai, Chan Kin-man and Chu Yiu-ming outside Central Police Station. Photo: Sam Tsang
Tai said they admitted only to taking part in an unauthorised assembly.
Accompanying the trio were Cardinal Joseph Zen Ze-kiun, 14 Democratic Party members including lawmaker Wu Chi-wai and former legislators Cheung Man-kwong, and dozens of other Occupy supporters.
Those people also signed a similar letter setting out their personal details and participation in Occupy. Both letters were handed to the police, who took no further action. Police said that by 7pm, 65 people had surrendered.
About 40 anti-Occupy activists gathered outside the venue to hurl insults at them.
Next Media boss Jimmy Lai Chee-ying stands outside the Central Police Station. Photo: Dickson Lee
Wu was the only lawmaker who surrendered yesterday. Several prominent Occupy supporters - including Edward Chin Chi-kin, founder of the movement's banking group, and Next Media chairman Jimmy Lai Chee-ying, showed up to lend their support but did not turn themselves in, citing timing issues.
Tai said their action marked an end to the civil disobedience they advocated, but that the democratic movement would continue. "I come with peace and hope, as I know there is a bright future for the city's democracy as long as we persevere."
In a sharp contrast to Tai's verdict, Basic Law Committee chairman Li Fei said the Occupy protests would give Hongkongers "a better idea" of the right direction the city's democracy should move towards.
"They should know what is conducive to Hong Kong's long-term prosperity and stability following the recent developments," Li, a top official in charge of Hong Kong affairs, said. "Hong Kong residents will treasure more the Basic Law and the democratic rights enshrined [within]."
Meanwhile, deputy foreign minister Zhang Yesui said, without referring to ongoing clearance efforts at Occupy sites, that Beijing would support Hong Kong government fully to maintain social stability.
"On the road of development, it is inevitable that Hong Kong would run into various kinds of difficulties and challenges," he said in Hong Kong last night. "In no circumstances should [anyone] destroy Hong Kong's rule of law and social order."
Secretary for Justice Rimsky Yuen Kwok-keung reiterated that Occupy "has severely disrupted order in Hong Kong". Deputy director of public prosecutions David Leung Cheuk-yin was tasked with handling Tai's surrender "to avoid any possible perception of bias", because Yuen and chief prosecutor Keith Yeung Ka-hung were classmates with Tai at the University of Hong Kong's law school, the Department of Justice said.
The police said they would handle every case in a fair and impartial manner.
Baptist University's year one student Isabella Lo, form six student Prince Wong and leader of Scholarism Joshua Wong have pledged to continue their hunger strike. Photo: Felix Wong
Two more students joined the three Scholarism members already on hunger strike on Wednesday, as the group’s convenor Joshua Wong Chi-fung vowed to continue with their actions despite experiencing tiredness and uncomfortable symptoms.
Wong Chi-fung reiterated on Wednesday that their actions were an attempt to convince the government to open up and dialogue with students.
He vowed to continue the strike despite experiencing tiredness and uncomfortable symptoms, which began on Tuesday.
Chinese University Hong Kong student Gloria Cheng Yik-lam, 20, and Polytechnic University student Eddie Ng Man-hin, 20, joined the hunger strike on Wednesday, announcing their decisions at a rally.
"It's been 48 hours and still the government is unmoved. I'm joining to show support to my fellow members," said Ng.
Ng, an associate degree student in social policy and administration, said he did not inform his family about his decision for fear that they would be against it.
Cheng, a politics and governance student, said: "I believe without his push, the movement may be forced to end, so I have to join in. Or else the past two months will be in vain having achieved nothing."
One of the students, Prince Wong Ji-yuet, 17, vomited twice within an hour in the early hours of Wednesday.
“The medical team said perhaps I was not used to it yet,” she said, adding that the content she expelled might have been bile.
She was given two pills by her medical team, which includes doctors, and was not hospitalised.
“After some sleep last night, I feel better now,” she said.
Joshua Wong, 18, said the three would carry on with the plan, vowing to only drink water or consume a glucose solution if advised to by doctors.
“We want to let the public know that the hunger strike we’re on now is a serious one. We want to refocus the public attention on the umbrella movement,” he said.
The three students announced their plan to go on an indefinite hunger strike on Monday, a day after the Federation of Students’ failed attempt at escalating action.
As an alternative tactic, the trio wanted to use the hunger strike to press the government to launch a dialogue with students, Joshua Wong previously said.
Into the 39th hour of their hunger strike, the Scholarism convenor said his blood sugar level had dwindled to 2.9 millimoles per litre, with 18-year-old Isabella Lo Yin-wai’s also sitting at 3.4 mmol/l and Prince Wong’s at 3.27 mmol/l. They started out at around 5 mmol/l, he said.
Normal blood sugar levels are between 5 and 6 mmol/l before meals, and can go up to between 7 and 8 mmol/l after eating.
The trio were also experiencing dizziness and an increased heartbeat rate.
Joshua Wong said the medical team, which has been monitoring them, would now come four to five times a day instead of the originally scheduled two check-ups every 24 hours.
He reiterated that he did not think the movement’s leaders, including the Federation of Students and Occupy co-founders Reverend Chu Yiu-ming and academics Benny Tai Yiu-ting and Dr Chan Kin-man, were encountering a rift.
He also stressed that the government was the only party which could stop the hunger strike.
“If [Chief Executive] Leung Chun-ying and his government are willing to launch a dialogue in regard to rebooting the political reform, we will stop the hunger strike immediately,” he said.
The students read out an open letter to Leung on Wednesday afternoon.
“Don't blindly believe in the violent clearance by police. Nor should you think that the tactic of attrition is working,” Prince Wong said, reading from the letter.
"The government can't afford to pay the costly price of losing a generation of youngsters.”
The letter again called for the government to reopen dialogue, urging it to restart political reform.
On behalf of the trio, Lo hit back at an article published in Communist Party mouthpiece, People’s Daily, which described the hunger strike as "a road to the dark".
"We think we are finding light in the dark. We are seeking a turning pointing during the umbrella movement," Lo said.
Joshua Wong said he would not invite non-Scholarism members to join the hunger strike due to limited medical resources. But he said that more Scholarism members could join the trio.
Politicians and police have done a thorough job of alienating our youth
Gordon Mathews says an incompetent government and, now, the police's use of disproportionate force to clear the protests have radicalised our youth
Will this generation of our youth be running a new, more democratic and open Hong Kong in future decades? Photo: AFP
I went to Admiralty on Sunday night, to be with my students after the Federation of Students called for an escalation of protests. I went because the police have on occasion been behaving badly, and I wanted to be a witness to what would happen. Unwittingly, I also wound up protecting my students, only because, when I was there, they felt a need to protect me as an onlooker rather than be on the front lines confronting the police.
The news over the past several days has been full of claims by police and Hong Kong government figures that protesters had become violent. Perhaps a few somewhere were - but, from what I saw over eight hours, the violence was overwhelmingly committed by the police beating students with their batons with great force.
The protesters were indeed engaged in illegal behaviour, occupying roads around the central government complex in an expansion of their earlier protest zones. Some force was probably necessary to clear the roads. But many police were behaving in an out-of-control way, as dozens of videos on television and YouTube attest. This does not compare to police brutality in the United States: we have had no shootings, and I pray this will continue. Hong Kong is still more civil in its behaviour than almost anywhere else in the world. But the police have become politicised, largely because of Hong Kong's political leaders hiding from sight.
Students have shown me their many bruises from being beaten - these aren't radicals, but ordinary students, who in a saner political environment would be at home studying for exams. They may never again see the police as their protectors, but rather as goons doing the bidding of a despised government.
The Occupy Central movement will end soon, although many more demonstrations will take place in the coming months and years. The long-term legacy of the movement will be an ongoing generational chasm. On Hong Kong university campuses, the overwhelming majority of students support Occupy Central and its civil disobedience, although many believe the demonstrations have gone on too long. Almost all students believe the Hong Kong government is run by incompetents who have no understanding of how ordinary people live.
Hong Kong students overwhelmingly see the mainland as a foreign dictatorship rather than a motherland, and see Hong Kong as being progressively swallowed up by its authoritarian mainland masters. This is totally different from what Hong Kong and Beijing pundits envisioned 20 years ago; they assumed young people would become more Chinese. This was not even fully imaginable 20 months ago. A generation has been radicalised.
Will this young generation be running a new, more democratic and open Hong Kong in future decades? Or will it be doomed to suffer an ever more plutocratic and authoritarian Hong Kong? I eye the future with a tiny bit of hope and a great deal of fear for my city. Meanwhile, Hong Kong's political leaders and police officials should know they have completely alienated most of Hong Kong's youth, and will probably never get them back.
Gordon Mathews is professor and chair in the anthropology department at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. His book on Chungking Mansions, in Chinese translation, won the 7th Hong Kong Book Prize in 2014
Protesters have been innovative in their use of the internet and social media to mobilise support, but less so in their protest tactics which remain outdated. Photo: AFP
The violent escalation of the Occupy protests in Admiralty and Mong Kok in the past week has been tinged with a sense of exhausted protesters raging against the dying of the light. A risky plan to blockade the central government offices and paralyse activity was deemed "largely a failure", and key student figures such as Joshua Wong Chi-fung are now resorting to a Gandhian-style hunger strike in a bid to draw the government back to the negotiating table.
Squabbling among various factions on strategy, compounded by a lack of gumption by pan-democratic legislators, is giving oxygen to radicals. An ugly, violent end to the protests is looking likely.
When asked why they were still there holding up their umbrellas, despite the bleak forecast, one student summed it up thus: for this generation, there is no other recourse for their voice to be heard.
Hong Kong's young people feel boxed in, and are resorting to desperate measures to be heard. Much of the blame lies at the feet of the leadership, who have neglected to use this to enhance opportunities for the public to participate in decision-making. Valid suggestions for improving representativeness in the nomination committee have fallen on deaf ears.
This is in contrast to trends across the Asia-Pacific, where winds of change are blowing in fledgling democracies such as Myanmar and adolescent ones such as Indonesia. None are faultless, but all acknowledge the importance of giving people a "voice" and of the power of a mandate for elected leaders to make decisions. Like a pressure valve, these mechanisms allow for steam to be released in societies that are complex, messy and often unfair.
The events of the past nine weeks suggest ours has been poorly designed and manufactured. To be fair, Hong Kong protesters have hardly demonstrated a willingness to consider moderate solutions within the parameters of the Basic Law. There is a missed opportunity for our leaders to be brave and forward-thinking within these parameters. And in this spirit, Wong and his supporters must also seize the opportunity to be modern, young and dynamic. They will lose if they continue to protest in a traditional fashion, against conservative forces who always win a numbers game.
Even Wong's courageous hunger strike reinforces a paternalistic narrative that has underpinned the protests, and one that the administration has played astutely.
Along with democratisation in the region, new modes of discourse and communication have risen. Social networks have changed the way information is shared. Protesters here have been innovative in their use of the internet and social media to mobilise support, but less so in their protest tactics which remain outdated, and premised on "sticking it out".
Wong said to his fellow protesters in early November that leaving now would amount to nothing. He was wrong.
At no point has there been serious consideration of a "flash mob" strategy: the threat of being able to mobilise protesters in significant numbers if good faith is broken. As well as minimising disruption to the public, the unpredictability of this tactic has its benefits against a bureaucracy.
Retreating with the strength of agility and the threat of rapid remobilisation is a formidable weapon that the umbrella movement wields, and one which can be used to influence the pace and momentum of the pro-democracy movement. After all, as Wong himself posited, time is on the side of the young protesters.
Born and raised in Hong Kong, Manisha Mirchandani is an independent writer and researcher on development issues in Asia
Hong Kong police deployed 87 canisters of tear gas to disburse pro-democracy protesters on September 28. MP Mike Gapes asked whether it was time to block the sale of tear gas to Hong Kong. Photos: David Wong, Sam Tsang
Britain said it would reopen a review into the sale of tear gas to Hong Kong and seek to block exports if it was used again in the territory.
The call was the clearest signal yet that if Hong Kong police deployed UK-exported tear gas on pro-democracy protesters then a ban would likely follow.
The response by Business Secretary Vince Cable came as he testified in front of the Committee on Arms Export Controls on Monday when MP Mike Gapes asked whether it was time to block the sale of tear gas to Hong Kong.
“On the events of the last few days, we’ll hopefully get advice very quickly on the changes in the situation,” Cable said.
“Subsequently, the judgments that were made earlier in not cancelling the extant licences was: earlier in the demonstrations, tear gas was used once and subsequently that the Hong Kong police was handling this in a proportionate way.
“We will urgently seek to obtain advice whether the position has changed such that we need to review that decision.”
Gapes’ question followed his mistaken belief that tear gas had been used on protesters overnight on Monday, when only pepper spray and water-spraying fire hoses were in fact deployed.
“Isn’t it time we make clear that we do not wish to be complicit with the behaviour of the authoritarian regime in Beijing and its local representatives who are using tear gas on peaceful protesters,” Gapes said.
The same committee previously wrote a letter to Cable enquiring about a number of export licences to Hong Kong for weapons that could be used for internal repression. The items included mortar bombs, sniper rifles, machine guns and gun silencers.
A source from the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills told the South China Morning Post that checks were in place to review Hong Kong’s licences.
“If the situation on the ground changes markedly, that will obviously have an impact on any future applications of export licences,” the source said.
“It would be odd to have a ban before the business ministry reviews advice. You can’t constantly be announcing, then unannouncing changing goalposts for countries around the world.”
On October 31, Cable wrote to the committee, informing members that he had declined to impose a ban on tear gas exports to Hong Kong after police deployed 87 canisters to disburse pro-democracy protesters on September 28.
“The foreign secretary has advised me that the use of tear gas by the Hong Kong police was an ‘uncharacteristic response’ at an earlier stage of the protests … and was not indicative of a wider pattern of behaviour,” he said.
Chemring, a British manufacturer of tear gas sold to Hong Kong, declined to say whether it would alter its sales policy after it was used against protesters.
Andrew Smith of the Campaign Against Arms Trade said: “We know that UK-produced tear gas has been used against democracy protesters in Hong Kong, and so far the government’s response has been very weak.
"These licences should certainly be cancelled, but even this would not address the fundamental problem: that suspending or revoking licences is far too little, far too late. Any new review will only be worthwhile if it means a real and fundamental change from business as usual.”
Re: China blocks bbc website after video shows hong kong police beating protester
Low mainland demand and Occupy protests dampen Hong Kong’s economic outlook: survey
Survey reveals purchasing managers' index contracted for the fourth month in a row
Some companies blamed Occupy Central for a drop in business last month. Photo: Felix Wong
Hopes of a better economic outlook have been dashed by shrinking demand from across the border and the lingering Occupy Central movement, according to a HSBC/Markit survey.
The purchasing managers' index, which gauges business conditions in Hong Kong's private sector economy, contracted for the fourth month in a row last month, at 48.8, up marginally from 47.7 in October. Any figure below 50 denotes contraction and any reading above 50 signals expansion.
Hong Kong, which relies heavily on imports and trade from the mainland, saw cross-border new business shrink last month at the fastest rate in more than five years, the monthly survey of 300 firms found.
Hong Kong companies were also slashing prices at the sharpest magnitude since 2009 to spur business, resulting in reduced profits.
Some of the companies revealed relatively subdued demand last month, blaming protesters' occupation of Mong Kok, Causeway Bay and Admiralty since September 28.
The Occupy movement wants the government to agree to greater democracy.
"Hong Kong's economy is still weakening, although the pace of contraction lessened in November," said John Zhu, HSBC's economist in Asia.
"However, there is increasing evidence that firms' margins are being squeezed due to reduced pricing power as activity contracts."
He added: "Given the weakness in demand from mainland China, the risks to growth remain on the downside."
Financial Secretary John Tsang Chun-wah said on Monday that the city's economy faces rising risks of failing to meet its target growth of 2.2 per cent this year due to the combined results of the protests and the challenging business environment on the mainland and in the United States.
Re: China blocks bbc website after video shows hong kong police beating protester
Hong Kong's rule of law has passed the Occupy test - so far
Cliff Buddle says though tested by the illegal Occupy protests and related infractions, the rule of law remains intact in Hong Kong. In fact, it is all the stronger for having weathered the storm so far
Even widespread illegality does not necessarily undermine the rule of law.
The surrender to police by Occupy Central leaders brings their civil disobedience campaign to a symbolic end, almost two years after it was first proposed. The pro-democracy protests, which they long ago lost control of, still occupy Hong Kong streets. But, as the police continue clearance operations amid waning public support for the protests, we are surely reaching the end of this extraordinary chapter in Hong Kong's history.
There has been much discussion, over the nine weeks of protest, about the impact of the Occupy movement on Hong Kong's rule of law. We have, regrettably, seen violent clashes on the streets, with protesters, their opponents and the police all culpable at times. There has been sustained breaking of the law, through the occupation of the streets, causing businesses to suffer and people to be inconvenienced. And, amid a political deadlock, our courts have been dragged into the affair.
The rule of law has been sorely tested. But I suggest it has passed that test and will, if anything, emerge stronger from these difficult times.
The term "the rule of law" is bandied about as if it only has one meaning. But it is open to different interpretations. Core elements of Hong Kong's rule of law include government power to be limited by the law and the law to apply equally to everyone. There must be adequate legal protection of people's rights and disputes are to be decided freely and fairly by an independent judiciary. There is much more to the concept than simply obeying the law.
Judges in the United Kingdom have disagreed on the question of whether civil disobedience is compatible with the rule of law. It is clear, however, that breaking the law is not, in itself, a threat to the rule of law.
Even widespread illegality need not necessarily undermine it. The occupation of the streets is not the only example of this in Hong Kong. Two years ago, all the talk was of illegal structures in flagrant breach of building regulations. Warnings were issued to 200,000 owners of village houses. Then we have smoking in public places, idling engines, unlawful dumping in the New Territories and illegal parking. While Hong Kong deserves its reputation as an orderly and lawful place, we are no strangers to widespread breaking of the law.
The nature and scale of the Occupy protests presents more of a threat. There was always the danger that prolonged occupation of key parts of Hong Kong would lead to violent clashes. People affected by the protests sought to take the law into their own hands. Opponents - some of them triad gangsters - attacked demonstrators and members of the transport sector sought to remove barriers themselves, sparking clashes. Then, on Sunday, masked men supporting the protests tried to force their way into government headquarters. There have also been examples of police violence and abuse of power.
A widespread breakdown of law and order would threaten the rule of law. But that is not what we have seen. Most of the protesters have remained peaceful. There has been no looting or rampant damaging of private property. It has been possible, for much of the past nine weeks, to stroll through protest sites without feeling unsafe. On the whole, this has been a peaceful form of civil disobedience.
We have also seen Hong Kong's rule of law at work during the protests. There have been many arrests and court appearances for those alleged to have broken the law.
One notable court hearing was that involving Joshua Wong Chi-fung, student group Scholarism's 18-year-old leader, who was freed by a High Court judge after being detained by police for more than 40 hours. The judge granted a writ of habeas corpus, an ancient legal safeguard against arbitrary detention. It was a striking example both of the government being subject to the law and this being enforced by an independent judiciary.
The protests have adversely affected the rights of business owners and others. But the courts have granted injunctions to private parties wanting certain streets cleared. Bailiffs have executed those court orders with the help of the police. While the rights and wrongs of the court decisions are, as always, open to debate, the legal process has followed its course.
The government has largely tolerated the protests, but it seems its patience is now running out. By not moving in earlier to clear the streets, it has allowed views to be aired and the protesters to make their point. Thankfully, fears that the central government would send in the People's Liberation Army to clear the streets have not been realised.
Under the Basic Law, Beijing can apply national laws to Hong Kong if the National People's Congress Standing Committee declares a state of emergency in the city, perhaps as a result of turmoil. However much disruption the Occupy movement has caused, it - rightly - has not been deemed serious enough to fall into that category.
What the Hong Kong government has not done is reach out to the protesters to see if a peaceful end can be achieved through dialogue. There was a televised debate, but this was not sufficient. There is a need for engagement and, indeed, for a much more inclusive approach by the government to constitutional reform if we are to move forward.
The Basic Law, which also brings into play the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, seems to envisage a more liberal form of universal suffrage than the one shaped by the NPC Standing Committee decision that sparked the protests. Upholding that promise is also important if the rule of law is to prevail.
The surrender to police of the Occupy leaders may be seen as a political stunt or, perhaps, a genuine attempt to help bring the protests to an end.
But the symbolism is important. Occupy leaders have always said their civil disobedience campaign would involve breaking the law and that they would accept the consequences. This is in keeping with the rule of law, not a breach of it.
Cliff Buddle is the Post's editor, special projects
Li Fei in a visit to Hong Kong in September. Photo: Sam Tsang
Hongkongers will have a better idea of which is the right direction for the city’s democratic development in the wake of the Occupy Central protests, a top Beijing official in charge of Hong Kong affairs said today.
Speaking at a seminar held in Macau today, Basic Law Committee chairman Li Fei said a growing number of Hong Kong people had sharpened their vigilance and have a better idea of the right path for realising their democratic rights following the civil disobedience movement.
“They should know what is conducive to Hong Kong’s long-term prosperity and stability following the recent developments in Hong Kong,” he said.
The Occupy protests, which began on September 28, are now in their tenth week.
“In the wake of these episodes, Hong Kong residents will treasure more about the Basic Law and the democratic rights enshrined in the Basic Law,” Li said.
Federation of Students secretary general Alex Chow Yong-kang says he feels guilty about the protesters who were hurt on Sunday. Photo: Sam Tsang
Conceding that an attempt on Sunday to besiege the government headquarters was a failure, student protest leaders are shifting their focus beyond the occupation zones.
Alex Chow Yong-kang, secretary general of the Federation of Students, said yesterday that his group was now discussing a "road map" with other civil groups for actions outside the Admiralty encampment.
"We hope to work it out soon so that we can shift the direction of the movement," Chow said. "[After Sunday] we realised that it is not the time for further large-scale physical action."
His group has not decided whether to retreat, given members of student group Scholarism, including convenor Joshua Wong Chi-fung, are on a hunger strike. Last night, two more members, Gloria Cheng Yik-lam and Eddie Ng Man-hin, joined the hunger strike, bringing its total number to five.
Although Wong had announced his move without the agreement of the federation, Chow said the government must not ignore the hunger strikers' demand for dialogue. The two student groups would discuss the way forward, he said.
But Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying said the hunger strikers' demands were "impractical" and could not be met.
Chow spoke a day after an internal meeting of the federation, followed by a session with volunteers in Admiralty, both reviewing the Sunday operation.
They also discussed whether to retreat if court bailiffs arrived to enforce a court injunction to clear Harcourt Road next week, according to a volunteer present at the meeting.
The attempted siege of the Chief Executive's Office ended with a police crackdown with pepper spray, batons and high-pressure water hoses. Dozens of protesters were injured. The federation was blamed for poor planning and leadership.
"I face [the criticisms] with a heavy heart. I feel guilty for the injuries," Chow said.
His team had underestimated the speed and violence of the police, while communication issues between commanders and helpers also hampered their efforts.
"We've been talking about non-violence, but when police hit protesters who have not charged, should they defend themselves with shields? That's a question we all need to think about."
The federation is considering a fresh wave of action when the government launches the next round of consultation on electoral reform. One idea is to protest at consultation forums attended by officials.
About 50 protesters had joined the group Friends of Admiralty, agreeing to contribute to the future actions of the federation, Chow added.
Yvonne Leung Lai-kwok was more cautious about withdrawal. Photo: Dickson Lee
Yvonne Leung Lai-kwok, another core federation member, was more cautious about withdrawal.
"If we talk about retreat, we must first deliver a long-term plan, to give protesters hope."
Leung, also president of the University of Hong Kong's student union, said union members would soon start knocking on the doors of residents near the campus to spread their message.
Similarly, the Chinese University student union has been talking directly with the neighbourhood in Tai Po Market, according to Tommy Cheung Sau-yin, the union president and also a federation member.
Scholarism's Wong said he would "support and tolerate" any move to go beyond the protest sites, but said his own group would focus on the strike.
Views on whether to retreat are divided among staunch protesters manning resource stations in Admiralty. Volunteer Christy Lo said she would follow the federation if it called for a retreat. "There is no point in staying if the government is unmoved even by people going on a hunger strike."
But others expressed their inclination to stay. "We can't just leave without achieving anything," Casar Leung, 25, said. He said the excessive force police were accused of using in the past week had made him more determined to stay.
Medical volunteers, parents, academics and clergy condemn police violence. Photo: Dickson Lee
A group of concerned residents has condemned the police action against Occupy protesters in Admiralty earlier this week and urged the Independent Police Complaints Council (IPCC) to launch a probe. They also called on Police Commissioner Andy Tsang Wai-hung to apologise.
"It was like [the police] were acting in a red haze of violence," said Dr Au Yiu-kai, who is a veteran international relief doctor and the volunteer head of medical services for the "umbrella movement".
"In Mong Kok, injuries happened on the front line. I don't condone violence, but the situation was understandable. What happened on Lung Wo Road was different - police continued to beat up retreating people," said Au. "This was completely outrageous."
Au and a group of parents, clergy and academics joined forces in condemning what they called the excessive and unnecessary use of force by the police during clearance operations in Admiralty and Mong Kok.
The group collected over 5,000 signatures for a letter to the police, demanding that the IPCC thoroughly investigate the use of violence in the two places and for the report to be released to the public. They also called on the police chief to apologise.
Au said he was chased from Lung Wo Road to Tamar Park while trying to staunch a protester's bleeding head on Monday morning. He said he had started to bandage the wound when a group of officers came at them. One hit the protester's injured head with a baton, he said.
"I shouted that I was a doctor and they could see I was doing medical work. Another police officer yelled: 'I don't care if you're saving lives, I will still arrest you'. Luckily other protesters were around and dragged me away," Au said.
At least 16 medical personnel and 33 emergency volunteers were injured, including one who was beaten over the head with a baton, he said.
The IPCC said yesterday that it would not send observers to inspect Occupy protest zones. "It will be the individual choice of committee members if they want to make on-site observations," said IPCC secretary general Ricky Chu Man-kin. "As far as the IPCC as a statutory body is concerned, we need to maintain our impartiality," he said.
More than 1,700 complaints related to the Occupy movement have been filed against the police since protests started in late September.
Meanwhile, Alliance for Peace and Democracy spokesman Robert Chow Yung said police had exercised necessary but not excessive force to stop protesters.
"They have done a great job to protect Hong Kong and the Hong Kong public," he said yesterday, during a rally to express thanks to the force outside police headquarters in Wan Chai.
The Occupy trio are mocked by opponents. Photo: Dickson Lee
The police force ensures its officers go through a "thinking process" when assessing the need to make an arrest, in line with a revision of its procedures early this year, a legal observer says.
Amendments to the Force Procedures Manual also gave officers a clearer idea of when to arrest people, Eric Cheung Tat-ming, a legal scholar with the University of Hong Kong, said.
Cheung cited the manual, which the force reviewed following advice from a police watchdog a few years ago, as 62 people who followed three Occupy Central founders to surrender themselves to police yesterday were allowed to leave without being arrested or charged. Students did not seem to be among the group who visited the Central police station in Sheung Wan.
Cheung, who also sits on the watchdog, the Independent Police Complaints Council, said the revised manual placed emphasis on the necessity of arrest action at a particular point in time.
"Officers now are required to explain in writing why immediate arrests are necessary," he said. "The idea is to make sure it involves a thinking process."
In anticipation of the mass surrenders yesterday, the force had drafted a custom-made form to save time in processing the cases, a police source said.
The form listed seven charges that those people were likely to admit, ranging from light offences such as taking part in an unauthorised assembly, to criminal damage and assaulting a police officer, the source said.
They also had the option to declare any other offences they thought they had committed.
They did not need to sign the form as it was for record-keeping purposes, the source said.
Cheung believed the form existed solely to streamline the process in case hundreds showed up, since mass surrenders would stall any police service.
On why no one was arrested yesterday, he said: "Reasonable suspicion is only the minimum condition [for making arrests]."
The Occupy protesters that turned themselves in said their acts were to show they would bear the legal consequences of civil disobedience.
They expressed hope that more would do the same soon.
As he left the police station, Cardinal Joseph Zen Ze-kiun said: "The concept behind us surrendering is to end the movement." He urged student protesters to discuss what they should do next.
Outspoken teacher Ng Mei-lan, who held a placard in 2010 demanding universal suffrage during then chief secretary Henry Tang Ying-yen's visit to her school, said: "It's not a problem [even if I lose my teaching licence]. I am prepared for the worst-case scenario."
But pastor Angus Ip, who was also among the group, said the act of surrendering should have come earlier. "The public's views [of Occupy] have changed."
Police clear pro-democracy protesters from Lung Wo Road. Photo: EPA
The government has decided to speed up the clearance of protest sites in the wake of violent clashes between police and activists who laid siege to the government's headquarters in Admiralty on Sunday and Monday.
This marks a departure from its previous stance of waiting for the protests to die down.
A government source said the administration was wary of growing security risks after the overnight clash, during which protesters wearing hard hats and masks charged police lines after student groups called on them to surround the government offices.
"Student leaders have not paid heed to advice from Occupy Central leaders and community leaders across the political spectrum. It's unrealistic to expect students to retreat from protest sites on their own initiative," the source said.
Student leaders believe it would be inappropriate to disperse the crowds before the government makes any concession on Beijing's strict framework for the 2017 chief executive election.
They have also ruled out turning themselves in to police.
The source said police would clear protest zones in Admiralty and Causeway Bay in the "near future", adding that the exact time would be decided by police based on operational needs.
The government has adopted a wait-and-see strategy since the occupation campaign began on September 28, hoping that anger from people affected by the sit-ins would wear down protesters.
A source close to pan-democrat lawmakers said that during their breakfast meeting last Thursday with Chief Secretary Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor she "gave no timetable" for clearing the protest sites in Admiralty and Causeway Bay, hinting the government would rather wait for the protests to fizzle out.
On Monday, a High Court judge granted cross-border bus company All China Express an interim injunction to clear a section from Connaught Road to Cotton Tree Drive in the Admiralty-Central protest area.
"The timing of the police's clearance action in Admiralty won't rely on when the interim injunction order is enforced as police are empowered to take action under other ordinances," the source said.
Benny Tai has repeatedly cited "injustice" as the reason for the need to take action. Photo: AFP
Some people argue breaking the law as an act of civil disobedience, such as what legal scholar Benny Tai Yiu-ting has advocated, undermines the rule of law. Others say that's nonsense: if the law or the system itself is unjust, challenging it becomes a moral duty. To challenge an unjust law or system amounts to upholding justice and the rule of law.
The people who support the former stance are usually the conservative pro-establishment types, while those who support the latter are often pro-Occupy or pro-democracy. As a principle, I believe in the moral duty argument, which is what Tai and his pan-democratic allies have been arguing to justify mass protests and resistance.
Where I differ from them is whether their total resistance, rejection and opposition is proportionate to the levels of injustice that actually exist in our society (a socio-economic problem) and in our political system (a government problem). When we talk about the rule of law and justice, we often conflate all these issues, so we are effectively talking past each other.
Tai has repeatedly cited "injustice" as the reason for the need to take action. He has described "injustice in society", "injustice in the law and the legal system" and most recently this week, "an unjust system", which presumably refers to our political system, which above all, does not allow what pan-democrats call "genuine universal suffrage". For Tai, we clearly suffer injustice with a capital I. Others, including some government and pro-Beijing figures, tacitly acknowledge smaller injustices such as the wealth gap, business dominance, poor governance and lack of opportunity and upward mobility for young people.
All social and political systems contain some injustice and unfairness because they are all imperfect. Some systems evolve and self-correct. Others are so unfair, unjust and oppressive that almost any type of resistance, including violent overthrow, would seem justified. There is injustice with a capital I and injustices with a small i. We are all biased. But as responsible citizens, we should at least try to reason with ourselves whether our response should be acceptance, reform or rejection of our socio-political systems. Fighting an injustice sometimes results in worse injustices.
(From left) Occupy Central co-founders Chu Yiu-ming, Benny Tai, Chan Kin-man, Cardinal Joseph Zen and social worker Shiu Ka-chun turned themselves into the police. Photo: Sam Tsang
At long last, the three co-founders of Occupy Central and some pan-democrat allies have followed their plot to turn themselves in to the police. But the high-profile surrender did not result in much drama, as the police did nothing more than take their details when they came forward yesterday. Although no arrests or charges have been made at this stage, a police source revealed that more than 200 people had been identified for investigation. The public expects the cases to be handled according to the law.
The Occupy movement was never quite what it set out to be. The original script was to pressure Beijing for free elections by staging a peaceful sit-in in the heart of the financial district - and to be arrested without resistance in a so-called civil disobedience. But it was overtaken by students' class boycotts and rallies, followed by spontaneous street blockades in Admiralty, Mong Kok and Causeway Bay.
However lofty the goal, Occupy has not brought us closer to democracy. Instead of being civilised and peaceful, the protests were marred by scuffles and clashes. On Tuesday, the trio finally admitted that the campaign had deviated from the spirit of peace and love, referring to the worst clashes yet over the weekend. It is therefore time to surrender and retreat.
There is no question that Occupy breached the law. Until now, the trio have only admitted taking part in an unlawful assembly, sparking a debate on whether more serious charges should be made. The secretary for justice said yesterday that the government would handle the cases according to the law. How they evolve will be closely watched.
It has been suggested that the rule of law has been left intact in that those who have broken the law have come forward to face the legal consequences. Hong Kong is built on rule of law. Such an argument is tantamount to legitimising law-breaking activities and will not be accepted in our society.
While the surrender marks the final stage of civil disobedience, the campaign is not yet over. Many have vowed to soldier on, despite an appeal by the co-founders to retreat. Leaders of two key student groups, the Federation of Students and Scholarism, say they will not give themselves up yet.
It remains unclear how long the protests will last. But the scenes over the weekend suggest the campaign is getting out of control. Unless the protesters retreat voluntarily, forced clearance seems inevitable.
Joshua Wong appeared weak and needed help to walk to the toilet on Thursday. Photo: Dickson Lee
Scholarism convenor Joshua Wong Chi-fung displayed signs of weakness on Thursday as he entered the fourth day of a hunger strike in a bid to press the government to reopen dialogue over Hong Kong’s political reform.
The 18-year-old received a routine checkup by two medical workers at about 10.30am, some 52 hours after the strike began. But the details of his health have not been revealed.
It appeared that Wong required support to move as he leaned on another Scholarism member while trying to walk to a toilet metres away after procedures.
Two more members of Scholarism joined the hunger strike last night.
Chinese University student Gloria Cheng Yik-lam, 20, and Polytechnic University student Eddie Ng Man-hin, 20, announced their decision to join Wong, 18, and two others at a rally in Admiralty last night.
“It’s been 48 hours and still the government is unmoved. I’m joining to show support to my fellow members,” Ng said.
Ng, an associate degree student in social policy and administration, said he did not inform his family about his decision for fear that they would be against it.
Joshua Wong is camping near government headquarters in Admiralty. Photo: Dickson Lee
“I do believe this is the move I want to take. I respect my family, so I will take care of myself, but I also believe in my responsibility as a citizen of this city and a member of Scholarism,” he added.
Cheng, a politics and governance student, said: “I believe without this push, the movement may be forced to end, so I have to join in. Or else the past two months will be in vain having achieved nothing.”
Wong reiterated on Wednesday that the students’ actions were an attempt to convince the government to reopen a dialogue with students.
He vowed to continue the strike despite experiencing tiredness and uncomfortable symptoms, which began on Tuesday.
Isabella Lo Yin-wai, 18, and 17-year-old Prince Wong Ji-yuet began the hunger strike at the same time as Joshua Wong on Monday.
Prince Wong vomited twice within an hour in the early hours of Wednesday.
“The medical team said perhaps I was not used to it yet,” she said, adding that the content she expelled might have been bile.
She was given two pills by her medical team, which includes doctors, and was not hospitalised.
“After some sleep last night, I feel better now,” she said.
Joshua Wong said the students would carry on with the plan, vowing to only drink water or consume a glucose solution if advised to by doctors.
“We want to let the public know that the hunger strike we’re on now is a serious one. We want to refocus the public attention on the umbrella movement,” he said.
The three students announced their plan to go on an indefinite hunger strike on Monday, a day after the Federation of Students’ failed attempt at escalating action.
Speaking to the press on Wednesday, Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying described the hunger strike as "pointless".
A statement released by the government later said: "Any discussion relating to constitutional reform must comply with the Basic Law and National People's Congress Standing Committee decisions."
The Open University of Hong Kong, which Wong attends, appealed to the students, especially to Wong, saying that they should stop the hunger strike and return to school as soon as possible.
"Apart from caring for the community, it is each student's responsibility to attend classes regularly," a university statement released on Wednesday said.
"The university urges all students who are still in the occupying sites to return to school as soon as possible, and continue their activities in a peaceful and legal manner."
