<TABLE id=msgUN cellSpacing=3 cellPadding=0 width="100%" border=0><TBODY><TR><TD id=msgUNsubj vAlign=top>
Coffeeshop Chit Chat - The Star: JBJ - A Fighter To The End</TD><TD id=msgunetc noWrap align=right>
Subscribe </TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE><TABLE class=msgtable cellSpacing=0 cellPadding=0 width="96%"><TBODY><TR><TD class=msg vAlign=top><TABLE cellSpacing=0 cellPadding=0 width="100%" border=0><TBODY><TR class=msghead><TD class=msgbfr1 width="1%"> </TD><TD><TABLE cellSpacing=0 cellPadding=0 border=0><TBODY><TR class=msghead><TD class=msgF noWrap align=right width="1%">From: </TD><TD class=msgFname noWrap width="68%">SGNEWSALTE <NOBR></NOBR> </TD><TD class=msgDate noWrap align=right width="30%">7:25 am </TD></TR><TR class=msghead><TD class=msgT noWrap align=right width="1%" height=20>To: </TD><TD class=msgTname noWrap width="68%">ALL <NOBR></NOBR></TD><TD class=msgNum noWrap align=right> (1 of 1) </TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE></TD></TR><TR><TD class=msgleft width="1%" rowSpan=4> </TD><TD class=wintiny noWrap align=right>746.1 </TD></TR><TR><TD height=8></TD></TR><TR><TD class=msgtxt>Look at how Malaysia news media, The Star, pays honour to JBJ, as compared to how our pathetic state-owned 154th local media came out with some sour reports.
http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/10/4/focus/2178783&sec=focus
A fighter to the end
Insight Down South
By SEAH CHIANG NEE
J.B. Jeyaretnam’s passing may have left a void in the political scene, but it could also be a rallying point for Singaporeans hankering for change.
THE passing away of one of the two surviving grand old men of politics, opposition leader J.B. Jeyaretnam, has left a void in Singapore’s stirring political scene.
When he died of heart failure on Tuesday, the fiery lawyer was 82 - three years younger than Lee Kuan Yew, his erstwhile foe in scores of battles in the last 25 years.
R.I.P: Veteran opposition leader J.B.Jeyaretnam passed away on Tuesday from heart failure.
It has left the opposition without a potential rallying figure and vote-winner at a time when politics — still largely dormant — is beginning to stir.
Young Singaporeans hankering for political change were hoping that the old warrior could inject some life into the opposition (which won 33.3% of the votes in the last election).
Jeyaretnam’s departure has, however, not ended Singapore’s first post-independence generation of leaders. That will come when the other icon — Minister Mentor Lee — leaves.
But unlike Jeyaretnam, who refused an operation for cardiac complications, Lee enjoys relatively good health.
Recently, he talked of his mortality, saying he might not survive beyond 94, the age at which his father died. That will be nine years from now, and is, of course, not a prediction.
The fact is no one really knows whether he will, or will not, step down even earlier. At any rate, Lee remains the last man standing among his generation.
Both Jeyaretnam and Lee shared several things in common, though the Minister Mentor with a higher national record would probably not like the comparison.
There was no love lost between the two. In the aftermath, Lee maintained an air of silence, sending no messages (at the time of writing) of condolence.
Both were brilliant students at Cambridge where they each graduated with a double first in Law. They were gifted men in their own right.
Both started off as lawyers and ended up in politics — Lee as Prime Minister of a self-governing Singapore in 1959, and Jeyaretnam 16 years later when he became leader of the Workers Party.
In different ways, they both played a major role in the country’s history and served as an inspiration to their respective followers.
Both men were great debaters who could put today’s younger politicians in the shade. They had plenty of practice during an era when politics really meant slugging it out toe-to-toe.
But the comparison ends here.
Lee eventually won and succeeded in transforming Singapore into what it is now, while Jeyaretnam — after serving as Senior District Judge — fought him and lost, and kept on fighting and paying a heavy price.
Despite being frequently prosecuted, fined (total: S$1.6mil [RM3.7mil]), jailed and bankrupted on politically-related charges, Jeyaretnam fought on to the end.
As leader of a newly-formed Reform Party, he was seeking re-election to Parliament when he ran out of time.
His departure has highlighted several factors.
First, it brought out a surprisingly strong outpouring of emotions from many ordinary Singaporeans, including youths, despite his being painted as “destructive”, “wild-behaving” and “trying to tear down the system”.
The greatest loss is felt by lower-income people who feel left out by “elitist” policies that cater more for profits than their welfare.
This class of people regards Jeyaretnam, a long-time socialist, as someone who genuinely cared and was ready to fight for the ordinary folk, especially the poor.
Second, Jeyaretnam was perceived in some quarters as the best person with the courage and experience to confront the PAP and bring about political reform, something the mainstream opposition largely avoids.
Singaporeans who want freer politics viewed him as the “Man of the Hour” when the poor and suffering needed a representative figure.
Others, however, are taking a more realistic view.
“I’m happy to see him get proper recognition,” said an elderly admirer who believes that Singapore politics is so lop-sided that Jeyaretnam would not have made a major difference.
“It may be unkind to say this, but I think his passing would have a bigger long-term impact than if he had fought on.”
He felt that the memories of Jeyaretnam’s exploits and courage would continue to inspire Singaporeans to leave their fear behind.
“The Internet and The Speakers Corner will make sure he will be remembered,” he added.
The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) is beginning to run into more resistance while governing this new society with changing aspirations.
However, it retains many weapons and is willing to continue to use them to keep the opposition in check and to win elections. As a result, the fractious opposition parties have only a nominal role to play.
The fortunes of these parties at any election still rest mainly on how the voters feel towards the ruling PAP at the time.
If they’re unhappy, the PAP’s votes will drop, and the opposition’s percentage will rise — and vice versa.
It is, of course, occasionally influenced by the presence of a charismatic campaigner, like Jeyaretnam on several occasions when he pulled off shocking wins in his constituency.
But this was never extended nationwide.
After nearly 50 years in office, the PAP is finding out that the longer it remains in power, the tougher the going.
Its biggest threat now is the looming economic recession and high (unbearable to many) cost of living, which could dramatically cut into its strong “heartland” support base.
The other pressure will come from critical Internet-savvy professionals, whose impatience seems to be growing.
From their midst may emerge one day a new leader or leaders to fill the void left behind by J.B. Jeyaretnam.
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http://thestar.com.my/news/story.asp?file=/2008/10/4/focus/2178783&sec=focus
A fighter to the end
Insight Down South
By SEAH CHIANG NEE
J.B. Jeyaretnam’s passing may have left a void in the political scene, but it could also be a rallying point for Singaporeans hankering for change.
THE passing away of one of the two surviving grand old men of politics, opposition leader J.B. Jeyaretnam, has left a void in Singapore’s stirring political scene.
When he died of heart failure on Tuesday, the fiery lawyer was 82 - three years younger than Lee Kuan Yew, his erstwhile foe in scores of battles in the last 25 years.
It has left the opposition without a potential rallying figure and vote-winner at a time when politics — still largely dormant — is beginning to stir.
Young Singaporeans hankering for political change were hoping that the old warrior could inject some life into the opposition (which won 33.3% of the votes in the last election).
Jeyaretnam’s departure has, however, not ended Singapore’s first post-independence generation of leaders. That will come when the other icon — Minister Mentor Lee — leaves.
But unlike Jeyaretnam, who refused an operation for cardiac complications, Lee enjoys relatively good health.
Recently, he talked of his mortality, saying he might not survive beyond 94, the age at which his father died. That will be nine years from now, and is, of course, not a prediction.
The fact is no one really knows whether he will, or will not, step down even earlier. At any rate, Lee remains the last man standing among his generation.
Both Jeyaretnam and Lee shared several things in common, though the Minister Mentor with a higher national record would probably not like the comparison.
There was no love lost between the two. In the aftermath, Lee maintained an air of silence, sending no messages (at the time of writing) of condolence.
Both were brilliant students at Cambridge where they each graduated with a double first in Law. They were gifted men in their own right.
Both started off as lawyers and ended up in politics — Lee as Prime Minister of a self-governing Singapore in 1959, and Jeyaretnam 16 years later when he became leader of the Workers Party.
In different ways, they both played a major role in the country’s history and served as an inspiration to their respective followers.
Both men were great debaters who could put today’s younger politicians in the shade. They had plenty of practice during an era when politics really meant slugging it out toe-to-toe.
But the comparison ends here.
Lee eventually won and succeeded in transforming Singapore into what it is now, while Jeyaretnam — after serving as Senior District Judge — fought him and lost, and kept on fighting and paying a heavy price.
Despite being frequently prosecuted, fined (total: S$1.6mil [RM3.7mil]), jailed and bankrupted on politically-related charges, Jeyaretnam fought on to the end.
As leader of a newly-formed Reform Party, he was seeking re-election to Parliament when he ran out of time.
His departure has highlighted several factors.
First, it brought out a surprisingly strong outpouring of emotions from many ordinary Singaporeans, including youths, despite his being painted as “destructive”, “wild-behaving” and “trying to tear down the system”.
The greatest loss is felt by lower-income people who feel left out by “elitist” policies that cater more for profits than their welfare.
This class of people regards Jeyaretnam, a long-time socialist, as someone who genuinely cared and was ready to fight for the ordinary folk, especially the poor.
Second, Jeyaretnam was perceived in some quarters as the best person with the courage and experience to confront the PAP and bring about political reform, something the mainstream opposition largely avoids.
Singaporeans who want freer politics viewed him as the “Man of the Hour” when the poor and suffering needed a representative figure.
Others, however, are taking a more realistic view.
“I’m happy to see him get proper recognition,” said an elderly admirer who believes that Singapore politics is so lop-sided that Jeyaretnam would not have made a major difference.
“It may be unkind to say this, but I think his passing would have a bigger long-term impact than if he had fought on.”
He felt that the memories of Jeyaretnam’s exploits and courage would continue to inspire Singaporeans to leave their fear behind.
“The Internet and The Speakers Corner will make sure he will be remembered,” he added.
The ruling People’s Action Party (PAP) is beginning to run into more resistance while governing this new society with changing aspirations.
However, it retains many weapons and is willing to continue to use them to keep the opposition in check and to win elections. As a result, the fractious opposition parties have only a nominal role to play.
The fortunes of these parties at any election still rest mainly on how the voters feel towards the ruling PAP at the time.
If they’re unhappy, the PAP’s votes will drop, and the opposition’s percentage will rise — and vice versa.
It is, of course, occasionally influenced by the presence of a charismatic campaigner, like Jeyaretnam on several occasions when he pulled off shocking wins in his constituency.
But this was never extended nationwide.
After nearly 50 years in office, the PAP is finding out that the longer it remains in power, the tougher the going.
Its biggest threat now is the looming economic recession and high (unbearable to many) cost of living, which could dramatically cut into its strong “heartland” support base.
The other pressure will come from critical Internet-savvy professionals, whose impatience seems to be growing.
From their midst may emerge one day a new leader or leaders to fill the void left behind by J.B. Jeyaretnam.
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