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https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Capital_punishment_in_New_Zealand

Capital punishment in New Zealand


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Capital punishment in New Zealand first appeared in a codified form when New Zealand became a British colony in 1840, and it was first employed in 1842.[1] Capital punishment was last used in 1957, abolished for murder in 1961, and abolished for all crimes, including treason, in 1989. During the period that it was in effect, 85 people were executed.
Contents
Method
The method of execution was always by hanging. At first, there were many possible execution sites all around the country, but later, the only two cities where hangings were carried out were Wellington (the capital) and Auckland (now the largest city). Initially, there was no professional hangman employed—the executioner was simply chosen from among any who were deemed qualified. On occasion, convicted criminals were employed as hangmen, often in exchange for reduced sentences or monetary reward. In 1877, the sheriff of Blenheim recommended that a professional executioner be hired. Tom Long, an Irishman who claimed to have been an executioner in Australia, was hired as the first official hangman. He was the only official hangman to be publicly known; others remained anonymous.
History
The first person to be sentenced to death was a Māori youth named Maketu, who was found guilty of murdering a pakeha shepherd. However, he died of dysentery before the sentence could be carried out. The first person to be executed was Wiremu Kingi Maketu, who was found guilty of murdering five people on Motuarohia Island, in the Bay of Islands. The people killed were Thomas Bull, employed by Elisabeth Roberton, who was also murdered along with her son aged eight, her daughter of two, and a girl of nearly three named Isabella Brind, the natural daughter of one Captain Brind by a Maori woman, the daughter of Rewa, chief of Ngapuhi in that area. Mrs Roberton's husband, Captain John Roberton, had drowned prior in Paroa Bay, just opposite the island. Thomas Bull had a reputation for strength and brutality. He seemed at all times to have made a set at Maketu and had on several occasions struck, thrown, or otherwise maltreated him. Maketu, was unable to defend himself against such an opponent; nor indeed did it conform with his notions of dignity to do so, he being by virtue of his chiefly rank above combat with one who was a servant and whom he therefore regarded on the same plane as a slave. Maketu, therefore, bided his time for revenge. Maketu then killed Thomas Bull in the night with an axe; he then brutally murdered Mrs Roberton, who was shouting abuse at him and then went to murder the two girls (ransacking the house and then burning Mrs Roberton and the two children within it). The boy ran up Pa Hill, where Maketu chased him and threw him off the 200-foot (60 m) cliff. He was sentenced to death by an all-white jury (his defence had wanted a half-white, half-Māori jury) in an Auckland court, and executed in March 1842.
All the people executed were men, except Minnie Dean, found guilty of infanticide in 1895, and all were convicted of murder, except for Hamiora Pere, convicted of treason. However, before Dean's trial, imprisonment and execution, several other women had been found guilty of Infanticide in nineteenth-century New Zealand, but had had their death sentences commuted to life imprisonment. These were Caroline Whitting (1872), Phoebe Veitch (1883) and Sarah-Jane and Anna Flannagan (1891). The last person to be executed was Walter James Bolton, for poisoning his wife, on 18 February 1957.[1]
Abolition: 1949–1961
When the Labour Party formed its first government following the 1935 general election, it commuted all death sentences to life imprisonment. In 1941, the Crimes Amendment Act changed the penalty for murder from death to life imprisonment with hard labour. The only crimes for which the death penalty still applied were treason and piracy.
The Labour Party lost power to the more conservative National Party, which had pledged to reintroduce capital punishment, in 1949. During that earlier period, support and opposition for capital punishment were clearly delineated on partisan grounds. The National Party supported the restoration and maintenance of the death penalty, while the Labour Party opposed it.[2] During debate over the Capital Punishment Act 1950, Labour expressed concern about the constitutional implications of the concentration of executive power in this context, while National Party Attorney-General Clifton Webb referred to the alleged "deterrent" value of the death penalty as potential threat and punitive severity.[3] However, Webb was relatively sparing in his use of the death penalty, while his successor, Attorney-General Jack Marshall (1955–1958), was a hardliner on that issue and the number and pace of executions accelerated, arousing debate.
During the time that the National Party was in office (1949–1958), 36 people were convicted of murder, and 22 of those were sentenced to death. The final decision on executions rested with Cabinet, and only eight of the condemned were executed. The rest were commuted to life imprisonment. Even then, professional opinion was divided. Film censor Gordon Mirams did not regard spectacles of hanging as appropriate content within crime dramas and western films and excised such content and dialogue on the basis of family propriety.[4]
According to Department of Justice historian Pauline Engel, the British Royal Commission on Capital Punishment (1953) may have heavily influenced the rise of abolitionism, as did the controversies that surrounded the executions of Harry Whiteland and Edward Te Whiu,[5] which raised questions about post-war trauma, intellectual and developmental disability as factors for leniency.
Social historian Redmer Yska has argued that such concern arose much earlier. When the National Party restored capital punishment in 1950, it became an administrative ordeal for civil servants involved, particularly those within correctional facilities like Mount Eden Prison in Auckland, law enforcement and the judiciary.[6] Corrections staff needed to maintain suicide watch for the convicted felon, conduct regular health checks and provide pastoral care for the condemned individual's relatives, as well as insure prison security during executions.[7]
Official requirements mandated the presence of a magistrate, doctor and sheriffs.[8] During the late fifties, Attorney-General Jack Marshall accelerated the pace of executions and post-traumatic stress disorder, alcoholism and duodenal haemorrhaging developed amongst two of the three staff obliged to participate during execution procedures.[8] In cases of political import, prudent reprieves and commuted penalties did occur, as happened when three Niue Islanders were sentenced to death after killing a manifestly brutal and oppressive Resident Commissioner. On that occasion, the Public Questions Committee of the Presbyterian Church of New Zealand became involved in strenuously lobbying against the verdict.[8]
Class differences were also seen to affect the verdict. Dr. Senga Wintringham was convicted of manslaughter, rather than murder, in February 1955, after shooting and killing Dr Bill Saunders. Wintringham claimed that she had only meant to intimidate him, rather than kill him. The Peoples Voice, newspaper of the Communist Party of New Zealand, criticised the perceived "double standard" in this context, as the courts had just convicted and sentenced nineteen-year-old British migrant and itinerant labourer Frederick Foster to death, despite questions about mental illness and intellectual impairment in his context, as well as appeals from his mother.[9] Foster had shot and killed Sharon Skeffington, his former girlfriend. Although Foster was sentenced to death and executed, defence counsel Dr Martyn Finlay succeeded in raising questions about the limited intellectual capabilities and mental health of the condemned person in this context.[10] Similar questions would arise in the trial, conviction and execution of Albert Webb. The New Zealand Listener editorialised against the death penalty in July 1955, and received supportive feedback from its letters page correspondents.[11]
Eddie Te Whiu was hanged in August 1955, after he had killed an elderly widow in Ngararatunua, near Kamo, when an attempted burglary went wrong.[12] Abolitionist sentiment grew again, as, with the Foster and Black cases, there was perceptible anxiety about the failure of "deterrence" value in the context of violent homicides, and whether Te Whiu should have been convicted of manslaughter instead, due to his dysfunctional family origins and limited intellectual capabilities.[13] As a result, a National Committee for Abolition of the Death Penalty was formed in November 1956, with branches in Auckland, Wellington, Christchurch and Dunedin.
Engel and Maureen Garing have drawn attention to the involvement of Protestant Christian opposition to capital punishment. In 1941 and 1951, the Christian Social Justice League, Christchurch Anglican Diocesan Synod and Methodist Public Questions Committee supported abolition, as did individual Catholics, although their hierarchy remained neutral in this debate. The New Zealand Theosophical Society also opposed capital punishment, and the Churches of Christ and Baptist Union declared its opposition in the late fifties. As religious opposition grew, it provided opponents of capital punishment with an organisational base that was used to good effect. Redmer Yska notes that clergy often refused to participate in legitimising executions through their presence, of whatever denomination.[7]
As a consequence of controversy over the perceived escalation in use of capital punishment, abolitionist petitions started to circulate as well. In 1956, a proposal for a referendum on capital punishment was put forward by the Minister of Justice, Jack Marshall. This referendum was to be voted on during the 1957 general election, but the proposal was defeated.
Meanwhile, Walter James Bolton (1888–1957) was executed at Mount Eden Prison in Auckland in February 1957, after he had allegedly poisoned his wife with arsenic. Given that the National Party lost that election, there were to be no further executions within New Zealand. However, while the election saw a short-lived Labour government elected, capital punishment was not debated in Parliament again before the National party regained power after the 1960 election.
In 1961, the National Party reaffirmed its support for the death penalty, although restricted its use to premeditated murders, and those committed during another crime or during an escape from custody. The issue of capital punishment generated intensive debate within the National Party—the Minister of Justice in the Second National Government, who was responsible for introducing the Crimes Bill 1961, Ralph Hanan, strongly opposed the death penalty, while Jack Marshall, the Deputy Prime Minister, had condoned its use while serving as Minister of Justice and Attorney General, as noted above.
Abolition and its aftermath: 1961 onwards
Aware of growing public opposition to capital punishment, the National Party allowed its MPs to exercise a conscience vote in Parliament, and ten National MPs subsequently voted in favour of abolition. The result was a majority of 11 against capital punishment, 41-30. The ten National MPs were Rev. Ernest Aderman, Gordon Grieve, Ralph Hanan, Duncan MacIntyre, Robert Muldoon, Herbert Pickering, Logan Sloane, Brian Talboys, Mrs Esme Tombleson and Bert Walker. The death penalty was therefore abolished for murder, being retained only for treason and other similar acts in theory. In principle, this meant that de facto abolition had occurred from that point onward.[1]
These last theoretical vestiges of capital punishment were abolished under the Palmer Labour cabinet in November 1989 with the passage of the Abolition of the Death Penalty Act 1989, and there were no further executions during the interim period.[1] Passage of the Abolition of the Death Penalty Act ended all capital punishment in New Zealand. The Cook Islands, which based its statutes on New Zealand law, formally retained the death penalty for treason until it was abolished in 2007. The death penalty was never used in the Cook Islands.[14]
Occasional calls to reinstate capital punishment still occur, but no major political party has made capital punishment an element of any of their election manifestos since the 1989 Abolition act.
A 2004 1 News Colmar Brunton poll found 28% were in favour of bringing back the death penalty, 67% did not want to bring the death penalty back, and 5% were undecided.[15] In a 2013 Curia poll for TV3’s The Nation, 38% of New Zealanders were in favour of the death penalty—a nominal increase from the 28% in 2004—while 55% were opposed it, and 7% were undecided. Also in the poll, 35% of Labour voters favoured the death penalty and National voters' support polled at 44%. Least likely to be in favour were Green Party voters at 19%, but the strongest support came from New Zealand First voters at 84%.[16][17]
See also
 

Shut Up you are Not MM

Alfrescian
Loyal
In the first place why are there laws to allow civilians to purchase semi automatic rifles? Hunting ones yes pistols yes but sar?


It is NEVER the problem of weapons! NEVER!

The same thing can be done with many other weapons!

Control Guns have no meaning and offers no safety and protection.

He can use a dozen of Molotov Cocktail and kill 100 or more which he can just use glass bottles & gasoline do make within 30mins.

He can use LPG home gas cylinder to make a bomb. 50Kg. Demolish the whole mosque.

He can use chainsaw also kill the same amount of people with just slightly longer time.

He can use Axe, Parangs, Rambo knife, arrows & bows / crossbow.

He can ram a fucking truck and can be truck full of gas cylinders or gasoline tanks.

There is 1000 and 1 ways to take care of business. You can control guns, only to make a fool of yourself.
 

motormafia

Alfrescian
Loyal
It is NEVER the problem of weapons! NEVER!

The same thing can be done with many other weapons!

Control Guns have no meaning and offers no safety and protection.

He can use a dozen of Molotov Cocktail and kill 100 or more which he can just use glass bottles & gasoline do make within 30mins.

He can use LPG home gas cylinder to make a bomb. 50Kg. Demolish the whole mosque.

He can use chainsaw also kill the same amount of people with just slightly longer time.

He can use Axe, Parangs, Rambo knife, arrows & bows / crossbow.

He can ram a fucking truck and can be truck full of gas cylinders or gasoline tanks.

There is 1000 and 1 ways to take care of business. You can control guns, only to make a fool of yourself.


Majority of people are just vulnarable lame peasants in modern society and the more they go to school for civilized education they became more stupid actually.

They are afraid of the wrong thing and felt the baseless empty security and false assurance. Lame ass government gave them useless painkiller and sedative drugs to numb them and intoxicate them then they will feel false sense of security, GUN CONTROL IS JUST AN EXAMPLE.

With gun control they tot they became safe!!!

They are so simple because they don't know what many other ways can easily be used to kill them massively and effectively and actually impossible to prevent. If government show them this, then they will be too afraid to live, and will either jump roof or go to IMH.

Majority population in this world are actually unfit to live and won't be able to survive in a tough reality. They live to waste resources from this world.
 

Shut Up you are Not MM

Alfrescian
Loyal
Terrorist Fired Lawyer so that he can speak himself in court to make his anti-migrant anti-islam political statements in court. With lawyer he hardly have chance to speak! He want to pursue his course via his court hearing, and speak against his enemies! He got nothing to lose, no death penalty anyway, and no escape from life sentence either. So lawyer is good for fuck??

https://www.rt.com/news/454080-nz-shooter-fires-lawyer/


Mosque massacre suspect Tarrant fires lawyer, wants to represent himself in court
Published time: 18 Mar, 2019 01:04 Edited time: 18 Mar, 2019 07:12
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Members of the media wait at a gate of the district court after Friday's mosque attacks, in Christchurch, New Zealand, March 16, 2019 © Reuters / Edgar Su
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Brenton Tarrant, the suspect behind the massacre of 50 people at two New Zealand mosques, has fired his court-appointed lawyer and wants to defend himself amid concerns he might use the high-profile trial to promote his beliefs.
Tarrant, a 28-year-old Australian charged with murder over the brutal attack, has sacked his lawyer Richard Peters, the attorney told the NZ Herald on Sunday.
The alleged shooter parted ways with Peters on Saturday, shortly after his brief appearance before Christchurch District Court that morning. Peters said that the Australian "seemed quite clear and lucid" as he refused his legal assistance.
Read more
New Zealand PM’s office received gunman ‘manifesto’ minutes before massacre
"He didn't appear to me to be facing any challenges or mental impairment, other than holding fairly extreme views," the lawyer said. Apart from the calm demeanor the attacker displayed during his several minutes before the judge, little is known about his current state of mind since Tarrant had not issued a statement or attempted to address the court.
He did not seek bail, neither did he appeal to have his name withheld.
Tarrant's now-former lawyer said that the alleged assailant did not appear to show any remorse – though they did not specifically discuss that topic.
According to Peters, his sacking might be an early indication that Tarrant wants to make the most of his trial by treating it as an opportunity to promote his violent extremist views. In that case, it will be up to the presiding judge to cut short any such PR stunt.
"I suspect that he won't shy away from publicity, and that will probably be the way he runs the trial. The job of the trial judge will be to deal with that."
The lawyer believes the court will not be "very sympathetic" to Tarrant if he opts to use it as a tool in his propaganda game.
Also on rt.com Facebook erased 1.5mn instances of NZ mosque attack video in 24 hours after massacre
While the court cannot preclude Tarrant from representing himself, it is likely to appoint a lawyer who would advise the alleged attacker on the rules of judicial procedure, Peters noted.
As concerns are mounting that the alleged gunman could subvert the NZ judicial system to serve his own interests, the New Zealand authorities are asking the media and the general public to give Tarrant as little exposure as possible.
Judging by his previous actions, publicity is exactly what Tarrant is seeking. He sent a lengthy manifesto to NZ Prime Minister Jacinda Ardern's office 10 minutes before going on a shooting rampage inside the Al Noor mosque. He then live-streamed the whole massacre on Facebook. While the original video has long since been removed, Facebook is still struggling to delete copies, having erased 1.5 million instances of the video in the first 24 hours after the attack.
In order to prevent the spread of the video, the New Zealand government has cracked down on those who defy the ban on 'objectionable' content. On Sunday, a 22-year-old man was arrested for allegedly distributing the blood-curdling video. The man, who faces jail if found guilty, will appear before court on Monday. The alleged shooter's next appearance before the judge is scheduled for April 5.
Subscribe to RT newsletter to get stories the mainstream media won’t tell you.

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