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French judges probe Malaysian prime minister’s role in submarine purchase bribes

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French judges probe Malaysian prime minister’s role in submarine purchase bribes

A Paris court of inquiry has started an investigation which may finally link the dots between Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak, his country’s purchase of two French submarines, bribes worth nearly $200 million and the murder of a Mongolian model by his bodyguards.

The in camera inquiry by judges Roger Le Loire and Serge Tournaire, who are highly experienced investigators in corruption and human rights cases, will try to discover if the French defence company DCNS and its project partner Thales International paid the bribes to secure the 2002 contract to supply two Scorpene submarines to the Malaysian navy.

Their inquiry will build on two years of investigation and evidence-gathering by French police.

The deal was done while Najib was defence minister and attention is focused on the role played by Najib’s close friend and policy adviser, Abdul Razak Baginda.

French officials have let it be known they are especially interested in two payments by the French arms dealers.

One was for 114 million euros ($148 million) and went to a Malaysian company called Perimekar for “logistical support.”

Perimekar was at the time wholly owned by a company which was controlled by Razak Baginda and his wife, Mazalinda.

The examining magistrates also want to hunt down the story behind payments worth $46 million to a company called Terasasi, which was originally incorporated in Malaysia, but then registered itself in Hong Kong where, according to the online magazine Asia Sentinel, it is listed among 142 companies at a convenience address in the Wan Chai district.

The registered directors of Terasasi are Razak Baginda and his father Abdul Malim Baginda.

Questions about the submarine deal became more intense and sharp in October 2006 after the body of Mongolian model and translator Altantuya Shaariibuu was discovered in the jungle outside Kuala Lumpur.

She had been shot in the head and an attempt then made to destroy her body with military C4 explosive.

Altantuya was the jilted lower of Razal Baginda and she had last been seen causing a scene outside his house.

A few years before she had been a model in France and in 2004 she accompanied Razal Baginda to act as translator when he was negotiating the Scorpene deal.

In a handwritten letter found after her death she said she intended to confront Razak Baginda and demand $500,000 as the price of her silence on the details of the Scorpene agreement.

Even the politically attuned Malaysian courts could not avoid this case.

But although Razak Baginda and two of then-defence minister Najib’s bodyguards, Azilah Hadri and Sirul Azhar Umar, were charged with murder the outcome was deftly finessed.

In an astonishing piece of courtroom stage management, Razak Baginda, was not required to answer to the charges of abetting Altantuya’s murder, was released and now lives in exile in Britain.

The bodyguards took the fall and have been sentenced to death. They are appealing the verdict, but that hearing has been delayed.

It is widely predicted that appeal will not be heard until after the next elections, expected in June, when, if Najib and his governing coalition are returned to power, a way may be found to acknowledge the bodyguards’ loyalty.

After failing to get a full investigation of the Scorpene affair in Malaysia, many Malaysian human rights advocates and Altantuya’s family put a lot of faith in the French investigation.

However, there was initial disappointment when it appeared that judges Le Loire and Tournaire would investigate only the bribery allegations and not look at the murder of Altantuya.

But 10 days ago the Malaysian human rights group Suaram was allowed to give the judges a private briefing. Spokesmen for the group said afterward they described the political context of the affair from the Malaysian point of view and gave the judges a list of potential witnesses.

Among them is Razak Baginda, and there are reports the judges may attempt to subpoena him from Britain.

Others on the list, such as Prime Minister Najib, are unlikely to take any notice.

But Altantuya’s father, Setev Shaariibuu, says he intends to go to Paris from Mongolia and that from his last conversation with his daughter he can “connect the dots” for the judges.
 
Najib ever met model in sinkieland, that helped to close the deal on railway land
 
Najib ever met model in sinkieland, that helped to close the deal on railway land

The story was Najib was with this model and Baginda in SG during a diamond exhibition. Photo was taken. Later, LKY use this to threaten Rosmah in a 4-eye meeting with her during his visit after Najib became PM. Many were surprised that LKY sought to meet the PM's wife privately.

This seems farfetched but who knows.
 
The story was Najib was with this model and Baginda in SG during a diamond exhibition. Photo was taken. Later, LKY use this to threaten Rosmah in a 4-eye meeting with her during his visit after Najib became PM. Many were surprised that LKY sought to meet the PM's wife privately.

This seems farfetched but who knows.
2 sneaky old bastards in a game of chess
 
Malaysia's Najib who's who is nothing compare to Singapore Familee's who's who.
 
This prove that singapore system is better for south east asia.
 
Can Najib survive Scorpene’s sting?

Wednesday, May 09, 2012

Prime minister Najib Abdul Razak sealed his own fate, eleven years ago at a meeting to discuss the Scorpene submarine purchase. The date was 14 July 2001.

As any history student will tell you, the storming of the Bastille in Paris, on the morning of 14 July 1789, signalled the beginning of the French revolution. Every year, the French celebrate their National or Bastille Day, on 14 July.

From now on, Malaysians may also attach some significance to 14 July. It might not be the start of a Malaysian revolution, but it was on 14 July 2001, that Najib held a meeting with DCNI, the subsidiary of the French shipmaker DCN.

Najib, who was the defence minister at the time, had allegedly demanded that the French pay US$1 billion (RM3 billion) to the Malaysian company Perimekar, as a condition for meeting him.

These details were divulged by the French investigators for Suaram, and form only the tip of the iceberg. Their list of witnesses includes Najib, Abdul Razak Baginda and the current Defence Minister Zahid Hamidi. All are required to testify in Paris.

It has not been a good week for the PM. The government’s response to the Bersih sit-down protest has attracted international condemnation. In the week which coincided with World Press Freedom Day, his policemen have been accused of brutality and his administration has been villified for media censorship.

Independent foreign observers have criticised Najib for mishandling the peaceful protest, and denying the rakyat their fundamental right to freedom of assembly.

Two newspapers face legal action; the New Straits Times, by an Australian senator, Nicholas Xenophon, because the paper libeled him, and Utusan Malaysia, which ran a front-page story that the Opposition politician Azmin Ali was involved in a tryst.

Diminishing support

With the French court case looming, corruption scandals rocking his cabinet and further delays to GE-13, Najib fears that support for him and his party will diminish further.

Is it any wonder that a few days ago, Najib tried to distract us, by claiming that Bersih’s sit-down protest was a plot to topple his government?

Najib’s opposition to Bersih 3.0 is a clear indication that Umno knows that it cannot win a clean election. He knows he cannot allow a free and fair election.

That explains the concerted effort by Umno and the Election Commission (EC) to cheat. In desperation, Najib has accused Bersih 3.0 of wanting to turn Dataran Merdeka into Tahrir Square.

In a press conference last week, Suaram confirmed that the French judicial probe had evolved from a “civil complaint” into a “criminal investigation.”

The French lawyer acting for Suaram, Joseph Breham said: “Investigations so far have provided sufficient evidence to point our finger at Malaysian officials in this (court) hearing.”

Suaram secretariat member and lawyer Fadiah Nadwa Fikri said, “….The parties involved in the scandal would soon be charged in the French criminal court. It’s going to be bigger than it already is now”.

Suaram secretary-general Cynthia Gabriel (left) called the Scorpene scandal, “the Great Malaysian Robbery” with several companies, including the pilgrimage fund (Lembaga Tabung Haji) and the military servicemen’s pension fund (Lembaga Tabung Angkatan Tentera) being used to obscure the money trail.

Gabriel said, “The Malaysian and French people have clearly been misled, cheated and robbed of their monies through blatant corruption and mismanagement of funds in the name of national safety and security.”

The former finance director of DCN, Gerarde Philippe Maneyas, alleged that Malaysian officials in the deal had been bribed.

With the introduction of new laws in France and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Convention in 2002, bribes made to foreign officials are considered a criminal offence. Previously, these bribes were tax-deductible.

As a result of these laws and the OECD, all documentation relating to arms deals would replace reference to the payment of “commissions” with “payment to service providers”.

Terasasi surfaces

The French inquiry also revealed the presence of a previously unknown company, Terasasi, which is owned by the PM’s former aide, Abdul Razak Baginda.

Baginda also owned Perimekar, and both these companies received several million euros in commissions and kickbacks. Baginda’s wife and father are also linked to Perimekar and Terasasi.

Interestingly, French investigators found an invoice from Terasasi to a French company, Thint Asia International, dated 28 August, 2004 for 359,450 euros (RM1.43 million) with a handwritten note saying: “Razak wants it in a hurry.” Needless to say, the race is on to discover which “Razak” this refers to.

Despite the rapid pace of development by the French investigators, members of Najib’s cabinet have remained eerily silent.

One thing is clear. Najib cannot be non-committal in future press conferences and abruptly terminate them when any reference is made to Scorpene. He cannot use that old trick of saying he will go the mosque and swear on the Koran. He cannot avoid the French subpoena without risking an international arrest warrant.

Despite the internal power struggles in the upper echelons of Umno, none of those who wish to be PM has appeared to lodge the first knife in his back. Perhaps, they all realise that despite Najib’s unpopularity, they have to band together to save their skin.

Najib faces a dilemma. He needs the support of Umno members so he can remain as PM, because it is said that a head of state enjoys immunity while he is in office. Once he stands down, he becomes another ordinary person and will be prosecuted, for any crimes committed.

Najib probably rues the day he entertained the French on July 14, 2001. Even Swiss bank accounts and exile to a “friendly” country are no guarantees of freedom.

http://www.freemalaysiakini2.com/?p=28305
 
The Great Malaysian Robbery: Najib Sought US$1 Billion For Perimekar From French Ship

 
Re: Scorpene: The Great Malaysian Robbery

PM been judge in other country? If guilty what can the French gov do? Jail PM Najib?
 
Re: Scorpene: The Great Malaysian Robbery

PM been judge in other country? If guilty what can the French gov do? Jail PM Najib?

What will happen is nothing as he has immunity. When he loses his premiership, then maybe he will have to answer. This case has cost him a lot and might even cost UMNO to lose the elections if there are sufficient evidence to confirm his role in the murder and corruption on the purchase of the Scorpene subs.
 
Re: Scorpene: The Great Malaysian Robbery

This is what happened when ministers are poorly paid. Its a system error.

The opposition runned Selangor govt is already on the take. So fast huh?

We should never have touch ministers salaries. I am sure we will only pay bigger in the long run.
 
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