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end game for HK protests...
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Hong Kong democrats score landslide victory in local elections amid political crisis
Pro-democracy supporters celebrate after pro-Beijing candidate Junius Ho lost a seat in the district council elections in Tuen Mun district of Hong Kong, early on Nov 25, 2019. (Photo: AFP / PHILIP FONG)
25 Nov 2019 06:42AM
(Updated: 25 Nov 2019 03:48PM)
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HONG KONG: Hong Kong's democrats scored a landslide majority in district council elections, which saw a record turnout after six months of anti-government protests, increasing pressure on the city's leader on Monday (Nov 25) to listen to calls for democracy.
Sunday's elections marked a rare weekend lull in the sometimes violent unrest, with democratic candidates securing nearly 90 per cent of the 452 district council seats, broadcaster RTHK reported, despite a strongly resourced and mobilised pro-establishment opposition.
Hong Kong's pro-Beijing Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, said in a statement the government respected the results and wished "the peaceful, safe and orderly situation to continue".
"There are various analyses and interpretations in the community in relation to the results, and quite a few are of the view that the results reflect people's dissatisfaction with the current situation and the deep-seated problems in society," she said.
The government would "listen to the opinions of members of the public humbly and seriously reflect", Lam said.
Pictures posted online showed people celebrating outside polling stations, popping bottles of champagne.
READ: Our coverage of the Hong Kong protests
According to local reports, the pan-democrats were victorious in 347 out of the 452 seats up for grabs. The independents – many of them pro-democracy – won 45, while the pro-establishment camp won 60.
The pro-democracy camp now has control of 17 out of 18 district councils, according to the South China Morning Post. Before Sunday, all councils had been under pro-establishment control since the 2015 elections.
A record 1,104 candidates had vied for the seats.
Hong Kong's district councils control some spending and decide a range of local livelihood issues such as transport, and they also serve as an important grassroots platform to radiate political influence in the city.
Some winning candidates said the result was akin to a vote of support for the protest movement and could raise the pressure on Lam, amid the city's worst political crisis in decades.
"This is the power of democracy. This is a democratic tsunami," said Tommy Cheung, a former student protest leader who won a seat in the Yuen Long district close to China's border.
Initial results from the voting, which ended with no major disruptions in a day that saw massive queues form outside many voting centres, began to trickle in after midnight.
Many people clamoured to vote early, fearful that possible disruptions would lead to voting centres closing early.
Electoral affairs chief Barnabus Fung said at least 2.94 million people voted, a record turnout of more than 71 per cent that appeared to have been spurred by the turmoil. About 1.47 million voted in the last district elections four years ago.
"The performance of the pro-democracy camp will send a signal to Beijing," said Andrew Li, a 22-year-old student who supported a pro-democracy candidate. "By ignoring people's demands, it wakes up all Hong Kong people to come out and vote."
READ: Chinese state media urge Hong Kongers to 'vote to end violence'
FORMAL CONFRONTATION
Demonstrators are angry at what they see as Chinese meddling in the freedoms promised to the former British colony when it returned to Chinese rule in 1997. They say they are also responding to perceived police brutality.
China denies interfering and says it is committed to the "one country, two systems" formula for the autonomy of Hong Kong. Police say they have shown restraint in the face of potentially deadly attacks.
Jimmy Sham, a candidate for the Civil Human Rights Front, which organised some of the anti-government rallies, won his electoral contest and said the turnout should be a sign to the government that it should listen to their voices.
"This election is special because it is a formal confrontation between pro-establishment and pro-democracy parties after months of unrest caused by the misstep of government," he said, standing on crutches weeks after he was beaten by men with hammers during a rally in October.
"It is a victory for the people of Hong Kong."
Other successful pro-democracy candidates included Lester Shum, a former student leader of the umbrella movement in 2014, and Kelvin Lam, who stood in after activist Joshua Wong was barred from running.
"I believe this result is because there are a lot of voters who hope to use this election and their vote to show their support for the (protest) movement, and their five demands, and their dissatisfaction with the Hong Kong government," said Shum.
"That's why so many people queued for one or two hours, no matter man or woman, young or old, they came out to vote. The district council is just one very important path of struggle. In future, we must find other paths of struggle to keep fighting," Shum added.
One democracy candidate who was unsuccessful in his bid was Leung Kwok Hung, also known as "long hair".
"I let you all down today ... but Hong Kong people will continue to fight. I hope everyone will give a big applause to the history we have created today.
"Most of the pro-establishment lawmakers have lost in this district council election. It shows the government today has zero acceptance ... I urge Carrie Lam to respond to people's demands ... If I was her, I would prepare a resignation now."
PRO-BEIJING CANDIDATES LOST BECAUSE OF "POLITICAL SENTIMENT"
A number of pro-Beijing heavyweights including Junius Ho, an incumbent injured in a knife attack this month, lost to a pro-democracy challenger.
"This is an exceptional year, exceptional election and unusual result," Ho said on his Facebook page.
READ: Knife-wielding man attacks Hong Kong pro-Beijing lawmaker
Some veteran pro-Beijing politicians, who have been shoo-ins in previous polls, attributed their losses to the broader discontent.
"Our loss is not because of our work in the local districts, it’s because of the political sentiment," said Horace Cheung, who noted he received 500 more votes this year than four years ago, but still lost.
Alice Mak, a pro-establishment lawmaker who lost, said she respected the voters' decision.
"We respect it. But, what we really want is that we finally find peace ... We don't want to mess up Hong Kong again."
CAMPUS STANDOFF
Casting her ballot, Hong Kong's Chief Executive Lam, who is backed by Beijing, pledged that her government would listen more intensively to the views of district councils.
"I hope this kind of stability and calm is not only for today's election, but to show that everyone does not want Hong Kong to fall into a chaotic situation again," Lam said.
Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam casts her vote during the district council elections. (Ye Aung Thu/AFP)
The protests started over a now-withdrawn extradition Bill that would have allowed people to be sent to mainland China for trial but rapidly evolved into calls for full democracy, posing the biggest popular challenge to Chinese President Xi Jinping since he came to power in 2012.
The protests have at times forced the closure of government, businesses and schools as police used tear gas, rubber bullets and water cannon in response to petrol bombs and rocks.
The run-up to the election was marked by attacks on candidates, with Ho stabbed and wounded and another having part of his ear bitten off.
Pro-democracy supporters celebrate after pro-Beijing candidate Junius Ho lost a seat in the district council elections in Tuen Mun district of Hong Kong, early on Nov 25, 2019. (Photo: AFP / PHILIP FONG)
25 Nov 2019 06:42AM
(Updated: 25 Nov 2019 03:48PM)
Share this content
Bookmark
HONG KONG: Hong Kong's democrats scored a landslide majority in district council elections, which saw a record turnout after six months of anti-government protests, increasing pressure on the city's leader on Monday (Nov 25) to listen to calls for democracy.
Sunday's elections marked a rare weekend lull in the sometimes violent unrest, with democratic candidates securing nearly 90 per cent of the 452 district council seats, broadcaster RTHK reported, despite a strongly resourced and mobilised pro-establishment opposition.
Hong Kong's pro-Beijing Chief Executive, Carrie Lam, said in a statement the government respected the results and wished "the peaceful, safe and orderly situation to continue".
"There are various analyses and interpretations in the community in relation to the results, and quite a few are of the view that the results reflect people's dissatisfaction with the current situation and the deep-seated problems in society," she said.
The government would "listen to the opinions of members of the public humbly and seriously reflect", Lam said.
Pictures posted online showed people celebrating outside polling stations, popping bottles of champagne.
READ: Our coverage of the Hong Kong protests
According to local reports, the pan-democrats were victorious in 347 out of the 452 seats up for grabs. The independents – many of them pro-democracy – won 45, while the pro-establishment camp won 60.
The pro-democracy camp now has control of 17 out of 18 district councils, according to the South China Morning Post. Before Sunday, all councils had been under pro-establishment control since the 2015 elections.
A record 1,104 candidates had vied for the seats.
Hong Kong's district councils control some spending and decide a range of local livelihood issues such as transport, and they also serve as an important grassroots platform to radiate political influence in the city.
Some winning candidates said the result was akin to a vote of support for the protest movement and could raise the pressure on Lam, amid the city's worst political crisis in decades.
"This is the power of democracy. This is a democratic tsunami," said Tommy Cheung, a former student protest leader who won a seat in the Yuen Long district close to China's border.
Initial results from the voting, which ended with no major disruptions in a day that saw massive queues form outside many voting centres, began to trickle in after midnight.
Many people clamoured to vote early, fearful that possible disruptions would lead to voting centres closing early.
Electoral affairs chief Barnabus Fung said at least 2.94 million people voted, a record turnout of more than 71 per cent that appeared to have been spurred by the turmoil. About 1.47 million voted in the last district elections four years ago.
"The performance of the pro-democracy camp will send a signal to Beijing," said Andrew Li, a 22-year-old student who supported a pro-democracy candidate. "By ignoring people's demands, it wakes up all Hong Kong people to come out and vote."
READ: Chinese state media urge Hong Kongers to 'vote to end violence'
FORMAL CONFRONTATION
Demonstrators are angry at what they see as Chinese meddling in the freedoms promised to the former British colony when it returned to Chinese rule in 1997. They say they are also responding to perceived police brutality.
China denies interfering and says it is committed to the "one country, two systems" formula for the autonomy of Hong Kong. Police say they have shown restraint in the face of potentially deadly attacks.
Jimmy Sham, a candidate for the Civil Human Rights Front, which organised some of the anti-government rallies, won his electoral contest and said the turnout should be a sign to the government that it should listen to their voices.
"This election is special because it is a formal confrontation between pro-establishment and pro-democracy parties after months of unrest caused by the misstep of government," he said, standing on crutches weeks after he was beaten by men with hammers during a rally in October.
"It is a victory for the people of Hong Kong."
Other successful pro-democracy candidates included Lester Shum, a former student leader of the umbrella movement in 2014, and Kelvin Lam, who stood in after activist Joshua Wong was barred from running.
"I believe this result is because there are a lot of voters who hope to use this election and their vote to show their support for the (protest) movement, and their five demands, and their dissatisfaction with the Hong Kong government," said Shum.
"That's why so many people queued for one or two hours, no matter man or woman, young or old, they came out to vote. The district council is just one very important path of struggle. In future, we must find other paths of struggle to keep fighting," Shum added.
One democracy candidate who was unsuccessful in his bid was Leung Kwok Hung, also known as "long hair".
"I let you all down today ... but Hong Kong people will continue to fight. I hope everyone will give a big applause to the history we have created today.
"Most of the pro-establishment lawmakers have lost in this district council election. It shows the government today has zero acceptance ... I urge Carrie Lam to respond to people's demands ... If I was her, I would prepare a resignation now."
PRO-BEIJING CANDIDATES LOST BECAUSE OF "POLITICAL SENTIMENT"
A number of pro-Beijing heavyweights including Junius Ho, an incumbent injured in a knife attack this month, lost to a pro-democracy challenger.
"This is an exceptional year, exceptional election and unusual result," Ho said on his Facebook page.
READ: Knife-wielding man attacks Hong Kong pro-Beijing lawmaker
Some veteran pro-Beijing politicians, who have been shoo-ins in previous polls, attributed their losses to the broader discontent.
"Our loss is not because of our work in the local districts, it’s because of the political sentiment," said Horace Cheung, who noted he received 500 more votes this year than four years ago, but still lost.
Alice Mak, a pro-establishment lawmaker who lost, said she respected the voters' decision.
"We respect it. But, what we really want is that we finally find peace ... We don't want to mess up Hong Kong again."
CAMPUS STANDOFF
Casting her ballot, Hong Kong's Chief Executive Lam, who is backed by Beijing, pledged that her government would listen more intensively to the views of district councils.
"I hope this kind of stability and calm is not only for today's election, but to show that everyone does not want Hong Kong to fall into a chaotic situation again," Lam said.
Hong Kong Chief Executive Carrie Lam casts her vote during the district council elections. (Ye Aung Thu/AFP)
The protests started over a now-withdrawn extradition Bill that would have allowed people to be sent to mainland China for trial but rapidly evolved into calls for full democracy, posing the biggest popular challenge to Chinese President Xi Jinping since he came to power in 2012.
The protests have at times forced the closure of government, businesses and schools as police used tear gas, rubber bullets and water cannon in response to petrol bombs and rocks.
The run-up to the election was marked by attacks on candidates, with Ho stabbed and wounded and another having part of his ear bitten off.
That’ll need alot of wires
Best solution is Tiongs go to war against mozzies and cancel each other out.....then the world would be a better place
China CCP will be a more terrible group of people to deal with.
Some say China gave food to HK and Hongkies should be grateful about it. But i think if you let HK run on his own. It will even be better. But China CCP won't allow that to happen. Let Taiwan be independent also.
All be happy.
Some say China gave food to HK and Hongkies should be grateful about it. But i think if you let HK run on his own. It will even be better. But China CCP won't allow that to happen. Let Taiwan be independent also.
All be happy.
Hong Kong is toast
Why many in China support Beijing's policies in Xinjiang and Hong Kong
PHOTO Some in China disagree with international condemnation of mass internment camps in Xinjiang. REUTERS: BEN BLANCHARD
At a reunion dinner with my best friends from university last month, we got into a heated discussion on Beijing's mass repression in Xinjiang and the protests in Hong Kong.
My friend Adrian, who was born and raised in Xinjiang, said he didn't feel any sympathy for the Uyghurs detained in camps there.
It shocked us that he said it just like he was talking about something ordinary.
He wondered why everyone thought they knew the place better than him.
As a Chinese-born journalist who has covered Beijing's repression of Uyghurs and other minorities in Xinjiang for more than a year, I come across many different views on Beijing's use of re-education camps every day.
However, that dinner was the first time I had been confronted by such divisive views in my personal life.
Many in China support human rights and democracy, however support for Beijing's often contradictory actions remains vast — so why is that the case?
Violence and insecurity
PHOTO Deadly riots in Xinjiang's main city of Urumqi in 2009 loom large in the memories of many. REUTERS: NIR ELIAS
Recent violence in Xinjiang, and the resulting sense of insecurity, is at the core of why many people across China support Beijing's policies there.
Adrian said Han Chinese, the ethnic group that make up the vast majority of mainland China's population, used to have a very close relationship with ethnic minorities in Xinjiang.
But he said everything changed after riots in the regional capital Urumqi in 2009, where nearly 200 people — most of them Han Chinese — were killed after a mob of more than 1,000 Uyghurs took to the streets.
The riots started as a protest against the killing of two Uyghur migrant workers at a toy factory in China's south-east but escalated after police allegedly used excessive force to disperse demonstrators (however, Beijing disputes this).
Associate Professor Michael Clarke, an expert on Xinjiang's history and politics at the Australian National University, said there was undoubtedly a sense of fear and insecurity in Urumqi after the riots.
PHOTO Police did not treat Han Chinese and minority people the same in the wake of the riots. AP: NG HAN GUAN
However, he said this affected both Han and Uyghur people.
Sovereignty and separatists
PHOTO Hong Kong protesters are often portrayed as undermining China's sovereignty in the mainland press. AP: KIN CHEUNG
Over an uncountable number of official statements and state media news reports, Beijing has described both Uyghurs and the demonstrators in Hong Kong as "separatists", who are seeking to "undermine China's sovereignty".
This has created a huge stir in mainland China, where people take the subject of the country's sovereignty very seriously.
Chinese human rights lawyer Qiushi Chen attended a couple of the protests in Hong Kong this August, in a bid to separate fact from fiction in regards to the mainland news coverage of the unrest.
He live-streamed the protests to his more than 1 million followers on Weibo and Douyin, the Chinese version of TikTok, to raise awareness of the pro-democracy movement inside China's Great Firewall.
PHOTO Qiushi Chen (left) travelled to Hong Kong to work out for himself what the protests were about. SUPPLIED: QIUSHI CHEN
Mr Chen said he was very concerned about the influence of social media, and the ability of pro-Beijing accounts, which he says have increased in number, to direct public opinion in China.
"It increases the chance that people consuming that media content will struggle to accept others who have different identities," he said.
Adrian said he believed some Uyghurs had "bad thought and ideology", and that they "needed to be educated" — he thought the re-education camps helped unify people from different ethnic backgrounds in Xinjiang.
But Dr Clarke from the Australian National University does not agree.
PHOTO Many children in Xinjiang have been separated from their parents, according to media reports. REUTERS
"This appears to repeat almost word-for-word [Chinese Communist Party] rhetoric," Dr Clarke said.
Hong Kong media tycoon Jimmy Lai fled mainland China as a child, reaching the island territory as a stowaway on a fishing boat.
At the age of 12, he went to work in a garment factory for around $4.5 a month — by the age of 27, he had purchased his own factory, and by his mid-30s, he had created the international fashion label Giordano.
PHOTO Mr Lai (left) said he thinks many mainland Chinese people don't fully understand freedom. REUTERS: TYRONE SIU
He later founded the pro-democracy Next Magazine in 1990. After the magazine published criticisms of the Chinese Communist Party, officials threatened to close Giordano stores on the mainland.
Mr Lai subsequently sold out his shares in the fashion company and founded a second publication, Apple Daily, in 1995.
"They don't understand what Hong Kong people are fighting for. They are confused: 'If I could live my life in China like this, why can't you,'" he said.
PHOTO Supporters of Beijing's leadership in Hong Kong believe it is crucial for continued national unity. ABC NEWS: SARAH HAWKE
"Our spiritual assets are our rule of law, human rights, free market, private assets, and the lifestyle without fear, which is fundamentally different from the mainland Chinese," Mr Lai said.
But like the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, Hongkongers have seen the things that are central to their identity — democracy and freedom — encroached on by Beijing over time.
For example, there was a huge public backlash in 2012 when Hong Kong's government attempted to introduce pro-Communist "Moral and National Education" classes in schools.
But not everyone sees it that way — just like how some Hongkongers feel that China doesn't understand their values, some in the pro-Beijing camp feel China is also misunderstood.
Deng Fei, principal of the Heung To Secondary School and the director of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macau, told the ABC the protest movement was a sign of the lack of positive stories about China in Hong Kong.
The lack of positive stories is a complaint I've come across on my own WeChat account.
Last month, when I shared an article I wrote on the Hong Kong protests on WeChat — which told a different story to the reports in China's state-owned media — the platform advised me that six of my friends had unfollowed me.
I decided to call one of them: they said they were tired of seeing biased reports from Western media outlets, offering facts contrary to the official Beijing line.
Why many in China support Beijing's policies in Xinjiang and Hong Kong
At a reunion dinner with my best friends from university last month, we got into a heated discussion on Beijing's mass repression in Xinjiang and the protests in Hong Kong.
My friend Adrian, who was born and raised in Xinjiang, said he didn't feel any sympathy for the Uyghurs detained in camps there.
It shocked us that he said it just like he was talking about something ordinary.
Of course, you can imagine how badly my other friends criticised his view. He eventually left earlier than us.
He wondered why everyone thought they knew the place better than him.
As a Chinese-born journalist who has covered Beijing's repression of Uyghurs and other minorities in Xinjiang for more than a year, I come across many different views on Beijing's use of re-education camps every day.
However, that dinner was the first time I had been confronted by such divisive views in my personal life.
Many in China support human rights and democracy, however support for Beijing's often contradictory actions remains vast — so why is that the case?
Violence and insecurity
Recent violence in Xinjiang, and the resulting sense of insecurity, is at the core of why many people across China support Beijing's policies there.
Adrian said Han Chinese, the ethnic group that make up the vast majority of mainland China's population, used to have a very close relationship with ethnic minorities in Xinjiang.
But he said everything changed after riots in the regional capital Urumqi in 2009, where nearly 200 people — most of them Han Chinese — were killed after a mob of more than 1,000 Uyghurs took to the streets.
The riots started as a protest against the killing of two Uyghur migrant workers at a toy factory in China's south-east but escalated after police allegedly used excessive force to disperse demonstrators (however, Beijing disputes this).
"Later, a large number of armed police were transferred from other provinces to Xinjiang … Their [presence], and now the camps, really made Xinjiang the safest place to live on earth."
Associate Professor Michael Clarke, an expert on Xinjiang's history and politics at the Australian National University, said there was undoubtedly a sense of fear and insecurity in Urumqi after the riots.
However, he said this affected both Han and Uyghur people.
He said Han Chinese mobs, which assembled in the days after the riots and also clashed with police, were not treated in the same way by authorities.
Sovereignty and separatists
Over an uncountable number of official statements and state media news reports, Beijing has described both Uyghurs and the demonstrators in Hong Kong as "separatists", who are seeking to "undermine China's sovereignty".
This has created a huge stir in mainland China, where people take the subject of the country's sovereignty very seriously.
Chinese human rights lawyer Qiushi Chen attended a couple of the protests in Hong Kong this August, in a bid to separate fact from fiction in regards to the mainland news coverage of the unrest.
He live-streamed the protests to his more than 1 million followers on Weibo and Douyin, the Chinese version of TikTok, to raise awareness of the pro-democracy movement inside China's Great Firewall.
Soon his accounts were permanently banned, and he was called back to the mainland by authorities. He was later disqualified from practicing as a lawyer.
Mr Chen said he was very concerned about the influence of social media, and the ability of pro-Beijing accounts, which he says have increased in number, to direct public opinion in China.
"It increases the chance that people consuming that media content will struggle to accept others who have different identities," he said.
Adrian said he believed some Uyghurs had "bad thought and ideology", and that they "needed to be educated" — he thought the re-education camps helped unify people from different ethnic backgrounds in Xinjiang.
But Dr Clarke from the Australian National University does not agree.
"This appears to repeat almost word-for-word [Chinese Communist Party] rhetoric," Dr Clarke said.
Different 'spiritual assets'
Hong Kong media tycoon Jimmy Lai fled mainland China as a child, reaching the island territory as a stowaway on a fishing boat.
At the age of 12, he went to work in a garment factory for around $4.5 a month — by the age of 27, he had purchased his own factory, and by his mid-30s, he had created the international fashion label Giordano.
He later founded the pro-democracy Next Magazine in 1990. After the magazine published criticisms of the Chinese Communist Party, officials threatened to close Giordano stores on the mainland.
Mr Lai subsequently sold out his shares in the fashion company and founded a second publication, Apple Daily, in 1995.
Since the protests kicked off in Hong Kong this year, Mr Lai has been at the forefront of the movement.
"They don't understand what Hong Kong people are fighting for. They are confused: 'If I could live my life in China like this, why can't you,'" he said.
"Our spiritual assets are our rule of law, human rights, free market, private assets, and the lifestyle without fear, which is fundamentally different from the mainland Chinese," Mr Lai said.
But like the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, Hongkongers have seen the things that are central to their identity — democracy and freedom — encroached on by Beijing over time.
For example, there was a huge public backlash in 2012 when Hong Kong's government attempted to introduce pro-Communist "Moral and National Education" classes in schools.
But not everyone sees it that way — just like how some Hongkongers feel that China doesn't understand their values, some in the pro-Beijing camp feel China is also misunderstood.
Deng Fei, principal of the Heung To Secondary School and the director of the Chinese Association of Hong Kong and Macau, told the ABC the protest movement was a sign of the lack of positive stories about China in Hong Kong.
The lack of positive stories is a complaint I've come across on my own WeChat account.
Last month, when I shared an article I wrote on the Hong Kong protests on WeChat — which told a different story to the reports in China's state-owned media — the platform advised me that six of my friends had unfollowed me.
I decided to call one of them: they said they were tired of seeing biased reports from Western media outlets, offering facts contrary to the official Beijing line.
food on their table, roof over their heads, and the freedom to carry out their democracy march.
Commentary: Surely separatism is not Hong Kong’s endgame?
Six months of protests have dampened Hong Kongers hopes for the future, knowing that the city will become part of China in 2047. But it doesn’t mean the city seeks independence, says Doris Lam.
Protesters wear gas masks during clashes with police outside Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU) in Hong Kong, China on Nov 17, 2019. (File photo: REUTERS/Thomas Peter)Share this content
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HONG KONG: Almost six months into the Hong Kong protests, it’s hard to picture what the city once was.
On the streets, the once graffiti-free city has been sprayed with protest-related slogans and street art. Any sense of slight normalcy is destroyed the second you step into an MTR station.
READ: Commentary: The Hong Kong Act complicates world’s most important relationship
Nicknamed “The Communist Party’s Railway” by protesters, the MTR has been under fire — figuratively and literally — the last few months for bending to the government’s requests, including the imposition of an unofficial curfew every night by shortening service hours, which many see as an attempt to discourage night protests.
The campus siege at Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU) may have dominated headlines, but now, most university campuses are deserted, with many announcing a premature end to the semester.
The Hong Kong Polytechnic University became the epicentre this month of the territory's increasingly violent protest movement AFP/NICOLAS ASFOURI
Yet among these chaotic developments, a new candle of hope was lit this week. The pro-democracy camp won 17 out of 18 districts in Hong Kong’s district council elections, beating pro-Beijing candidates in record numbers.
READ: Hong Kong police enter ransacked campus after protest siege
Hong Kongers have spoken. While many protesters and their supporters were celebrating, however, the situation in Hong Kong is still far from ideal. The district councils hold little political power in the city.
FEARS AND PESSIMISM
Every day, protestors continue to chant “five demands, not one less,” yet only one has been met in the 23 weeks of protest.
As time draws on, Chief Executive Carrie Lam seems to have given up reasoning with protesters entirely, even calling them “the enemy of the people” during a press conference in November.
There have been incidents of police officers allegedly acting with impunity during this time of chaos, with videos suggesting they would go so far as to threaten protesters with live ammunition.
A pro-democratic winning candidate at district council local elections argues with police officers (not pictured) as they walk towards the campus of the Polytechnic University (PolyU) in Hong Kong, China November 25, 2019. REUTERS/Adnan Abidi
Graffiti walls with ominous phrases like “there’s no way back” and tributes made to the late Hong Kong University of Science and Technology student Alex Chow Tsz-lok’s death are harrowing reminders of the conflict that has engulfed the city.
All this makes it hard for Hong Kongers to feel hopeful about the future, knowing that Hong Kong will become part of China in 2047.
Citizens fear merging with China means losing freedom of speech, journalism that holds power to account and more parts of what makes a free and fair society that have come to symbolise the Hong Kong identity to youths like myself.
READ: Commentary: Hong Kong poll win will embolden protesters
Rumours about unwarranted arrests or mysterious disappearances, like those involving the Causeway Bay Books staff, colour how we see that inevitable integration with China.
DOES HONG KONG WANT TO SEPARATE?
Tear gas, violence and train disruptions have become Hong Kongers’ everyday life, but how will this era of protests end? Will life ever go back to the way it once was? The more important question for Hong Kongers is, do we even want it to?
Some people have asked me, what is it that Hong Kongers want? Is it separatism?
It’s easy to see why international observers think so. Hong Kong protesters are indeed wary and suspicious of whether the Chinese government might be behind incidents of escalation in these protests.
People pay tribute with flowers to Chow Tsz-lok, 22, a university student who fell during protests at the weekend and died early on Friday morning, at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, in Hong Kong, China November 8, 2019. (Photo: Reuters/Tyrone Siu)
Many of us try to raise awareness on questionable events that occur within China and Hong Kong in the search for answers.
However, it would be simplistic to presume these actions come with an ill intent to tar the country and seek separation. Hong Kongers strive instead to put pressure on China to do better behind closed doors so that the country can improve as a whole.
It is true that the new generation of young Hong Kong citizens are fiercely loyal to their city and proudly identify themselves as Hong Kongers instead of Chinese.
But we also want to be proud of our Chinese roots and culture, and have reason to take pride in this.
READ: Commentary: This may be the end of Hong Kong as we know it
Part of this tension between what it means to be a Hong Konger versus what we think it means to be Chinese is a difference in our political cultures. Hong Kongers are used to a two-way relationship between the government and the people. We want transparency, reason and justice.
Democracy (in terms of one man, one vote for the top leadership positions in the city) seems like part of that social compact, even though many have said Hong Kong has never had universal suffrage. If the Chinese government hopes for a smooth transition to 2047, a more open and transparent approach to governing has to be in play.
While this will move Hong Kong further away from the Chinese political system, our hope is that the Chinese government would take a leap of faith to build trust with Hong Kongers, given Hong Kong’s special historical circumstances.
FILE PHOTO: A Cathay Pacific flight flies over the city of Hong Kong, China on Sep 6, 2019. (Photo: Reuters/Amr Abdallah Dalsh)
Protesters are hoping the district council results send a clear signal how dissatisfied Hong Kongers are with the current system. We know China will not let Hong Kong go without a fight and there are other strategic implications for China as a whole.
READ: Chinese state media say Hong Kong elections 'skewed'
It was just earlier this month when China warned against separatism and acts that aim to split the country.
While the government has to take steps back to earn back Hong Kong people’s trust, Hong Kong citizens should also be prepared to negotiate with an open mind if there is an opportunity for dialogue between government officials and protestors.
BUILDING BRIDGES
How do we get there? Meeting the four remaining demands will build trust and release the pressure valves.
Out of the four, fully retracting the “riot” characterisation of protesters is a low-hanging fruit that additionally signals that the government understands and sympathises with how they feel.
Hong Kong chief executive Carrie Lam speaks to the media in a weekly news briefing after local elections in Hong Kong, China, November 26, 2019. REUTERS/Marko Djurica
Admittedly, seeking amnesty for all arrested protesters may be problematic.
There is no excuse for the police’s excessive use of weapons and physical force. But Hong Kongers must also admit when protesters cross lines. Extreme cases of violence and acts of barbarism should be condemned. We do not set people on fire.
READ: Commentary: Have the Hong Kong police lost control?
But broad brushing the entire protest movement with this act also seems unfair. Wearing a mask or shining flashlights are not equivalent crimes.
The remaining two demands calling for an independent commission of inquiry into alleged police brutality and universal suffrage will be hardest for the Hong Kong government to meet.
But it is not unimaginable for the government to look into establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality. That’s something citizens and business leaders would fund.
Hong Kongers want to feel proud of their Chinese heritage, but the contradicting political values make it difficult for Hong Kongers to find common ground with their government, and unsure about what to make of 2047.
Six months of protests have dampened Hong Kongers hopes for the future, knowing that the city will become part of China in 2047. But it doesn’t mean the city seeks independence, says Doris Lam.
Protesters wear gas masks during clashes with police outside Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU) in Hong Kong, China on Nov 17, 2019. (File photo: REUTERS/Thomas Peter)Share this content
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HONG KONG: Almost six months into the Hong Kong protests, it’s hard to picture what the city once was.
On the streets, the once graffiti-free city has been sprayed with protest-related slogans and street art. Any sense of slight normalcy is destroyed the second you step into an MTR station.
READ: Commentary: The Hong Kong Act complicates world’s most important relationship
Nicknamed “The Communist Party’s Railway” by protesters, the MTR has been under fire — figuratively and literally — the last few months for bending to the government’s requests, including the imposition of an unofficial curfew every night by shortening service hours, which many see as an attempt to discourage night protests.
The campus siege at Hong Kong Polytechnic University (PolyU) may have dominated headlines, but now, most university campuses are deserted, with many announcing a premature end to the semester.
The Hong Kong Polytechnic University became the epicentre this month of the territory's increasingly violent protest movement AFP/NICOLAS ASFOURI
Yet among these chaotic developments, a new candle of hope was lit this week. The pro-democracy camp won 17 out of 18 districts in Hong Kong’s district council elections, beating pro-Beijing candidates in record numbers.
READ: Hong Kong police enter ransacked campus after protest siege
Hong Kongers have spoken. While many protesters and their supporters were celebrating, however, the situation in Hong Kong is still far from ideal. The district councils hold little political power in the city.
FEARS AND PESSIMISM
Every day, protestors continue to chant “five demands, not one less,” yet only one has been met in the 23 weeks of protest.
As time draws on, Chief Executive Carrie Lam seems to have given up reasoning with protesters entirely, even calling them “the enemy of the people” during a press conference in November.
There have been incidents of police officers allegedly acting with impunity during this time of chaos, with videos suggesting they would go so far as to threaten protesters with live ammunition.
A pro-democratic winning candidate at district council local elections argues with police officers (not pictured) as they walk towards the campus of the Polytechnic University (PolyU) in Hong Kong, China November 25, 2019. REUTERS/Adnan Abidi
Graffiti walls with ominous phrases like “there’s no way back” and tributes made to the late Hong Kong University of Science and Technology student Alex Chow Tsz-lok’s death are harrowing reminders of the conflict that has engulfed the city.
All this makes it hard for Hong Kongers to feel hopeful about the future, knowing that Hong Kong will become part of China in 2047.
Citizens fear merging with China means losing freedom of speech, journalism that holds power to account and more parts of what makes a free and fair society that have come to symbolise the Hong Kong identity to youths like myself.
READ: Commentary: Hong Kong poll win will embolden protesters
Rumours about unwarranted arrests or mysterious disappearances, like those involving the Causeway Bay Books staff, colour how we see that inevitable integration with China.
DOES HONG KONG WANT TO SEPARATE?
Tear gas, violence and train disruptions have become Hong Kongers’ everyday life, but how will this era of protests end? Will life ever go back to the way it once was? The more important question for Hong Kongers is, do we even want it to?
Some people have asked me, what is it that Hong Kongers want? Is it separatism?
It’s easy to see why international observers think so. Hong Kong protesters are indeed wary and suspicious of whether the Chinese government might be behind incidents of escalation in these protests.
People pay tribute with flowers to Chow Tsz-lok, 22, a university student who fell during protests at the weekend and died early on Friday morning, at the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, in Hong Kong, China November 8, 2019. (Photo: Reuters/Tyrone Siu)
Many of us try to raise awareness on questionable events that occur within China and Hong Kong in the search for answers.
However, it would be simplistic to presume these actions come with an ill intent to tar the country and seek separation. Hong Kongers strive instead to put pressure on China to do better behind closed doors so that the country can improve as a whole.
It is true that the new generation of young Hong Kong citizens are fiercely loyal to their city and proudly identify themselves as Hong Kongers instead of Chinese.
But we also want to be proud of our Chinese roots and culture, and have reason to take pride in this.
READ: Commentary: This may be the end of Hong Kong as we know it
Part of this tension between what it means to be a Hong Konger versus what we think it means to be Chinese is a difference in our political cultures. Hong Kongers are used to a two-way relationship between the government and the people. We want transparency, reason and justice.
Democracy (in terms of one man, one vote for the top leadership positions in the city) seems like part of that social compact, even though many have said Hong Kong has never had universal suffrage. If the Chinese government hopes for a smooth transition to 2047, a more open and transparent approach to governing has to be in play.
While this will move Hong Kong further away from the Chinese political system, our hope is that the Chinese government would take a leap of faith to build trust with Hong Kongers, given Hong Kong’s special historical circumstances.
Protesters are hoping the district council results send a clear signal how dissatisfied Hong Kongers are with the current system. We know China will not let Hong Kong go without a fight and there are other strategic implications for China as a whole.
READ: Chinese state media say Hong Kong elections 'skewed'
It was just earlier this month when China warned against separatism and acts that aim to split the country.
While the government has to take steps back to earn back Hong Kong people’s trust, Hong Kong citizens should also be prepared to negotiate with an open mind if there is an opportunity for dialogue between government officials and protestors.
BUILDING BRIDGES
How do we get there? Meeting the four remaining demands will build trust and release the pressure valves.
Out of the four, fully retracting the “riot” characterisation of protesters is a low-hanging fruit that additionally signals that the government understands and sympathises with how they feel.
Hong Kong chief executive Carrie Lam speaks to the media in a weekly news briefing after local elections in Hong Kong, China, November 26, 2019. REUTERS/Marko Djurica
Admittedly, seeking amnesty for all arrested protesters may be problematic.
There is no excuse for the police’s excessive use of weapons and physical force. But Hong Kongers must also admit when protesters cross lines. Extreme cases of violence and acts of barbarism should be condemned. We do not set people on fire.
READ: Commentary: Have the Hong Kong police lost control?
But broad brushing the entire protest movement with this act also seems unfair. Wearing a mask or shining flashlights are not equivalent crimes.
The remaining two demands calling for an independent commission of inquiry into alleged police brutality and universal suffrage will be hardest for the Hong Kong government to meet.
But it is not unimaginable for the government to look into establishing an independent inquiry into police brutality. That’s something citizens and business leaders would fund.
Hong Kongers want to feel proud of their Chinese heritage, but the contradicting political values make it difficult for Hong Kongers to find common ground with their government, and unsure about what to make of 2047.
Cutting off Hong Kong’s nose to spite China is nothing to celebrate
Published: 5:00pm, 30 Nov, 2019
Updated: 11:06pm, 30 Nov, 2019
“Tell people there’s an invisible man in the sky who created the universe, and the vast majority will believe you. Tell them the paint is wet, and they have to touch it to be sure,” the late, great American comedian and social critic George Carlin once said.
That’s pretty much how it feels, trying to point out the harsh truth to the hara-kiri hordes of America’s useful idiots in this city as they wave US flags on the streets to express their gratitude to Washington for the passage of the so-called Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act.
They can touch the paint all they want while they drool over the pie in the sky that the two-faced scoundrels on Capitol Hill have promised them, but there is nothing to celebrate. Nothing.
Hong Kong has had its own nose cut off to spite Beijing’s face after US President Donald Trump signed the veto-proof legislation, which now means Washington will regularly review the state of human rights and freedoms here – applying its highly hypocritical, politicised, virtue-signalling, double-dealing, self-serving standards – to decide whether this city should be stripped of its special status as a separate trading entity from the rest of China.
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- Yonden Lhatoo is appalled by the sheer ignorance of celebrations on the streets after the passage of legislation by Washington that will hurt Hongkongers more than anyone else – and Americans, too
Published: 5:00pm, 30 Nov, 2019
Updated: 11:06pm, 30 Nov, 2019
“Tell people there’s an invisible man in the sky who created the universe, and the vast majority will believe you. Tell them the paint is wet, and they have to touch it to be sure,” the late, great American comedian and social critic George Carlin once said.
That’s pretty much how it feels, trying to point out the harsh truth to the hara-kiri hordes of America’s useful idiots in this city as they wave US flags on the streets to express their gratitude to Washington for the passage of the so-called Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act.
They can touch the paint all they want while they drool over the pie in the sky that the two-faced scoundrels on Capitol Hill have promised them, but there is nothing to celebrate. Nothing.
Hong Kong has had its own nose cut off to spite Beijing’s face after US President Donald Trump signed the veto-proof legislation, which now means Washington will regularly review the state of human rights and freedoms here – applying its highly hypocritical, politicised, virtue-signalling, double-dealing, self-serving standards – to decide whether this city should be stripped of its special status as a separate trading entity from the rest of China.
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At least the hongkies are standing up to the chicoms..singkies just vote pap n kpkb pap.
Former Cathay pilot warns Australian businesses vulnerable to political pressure from Beijing - Business
PHOTO Hong Kong pro-democracy politician Jeremy Tam (left) is meeting with MPs in Canberra. REUTERS: THOMAS PETER
A former Cathay Pacific Airways pilot has warned Australian businesses are vulnerable to political pressure from the Chinese Government, saying Beijing "completely destroyed" the culture of the airline he once worked for.
Jeremy Man-ho Tam was a Cathay pilot for 18 years but quit his job in August to protect the airline from being politically attacked by Beijing because Mr Tam was part of the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
Mr Tam, also a member of Hong Kong's Legislative Council, is meeting with federal politicians in Canberra on Monday and Tuesday.
In August, China's aviation regulator demanded Hong Kong airline Cathay Pacific Airways suspend personnel who have engaged in protests from staffing flights into its airspace.
"It could happen to any airline, even, let's say, Qantas. Let's imagine one of the pilots makes a statement to say, 'I support the Hong Kong movement, the five demands,'" Mr Tam said.
PHOTO Hong Kong pro-democracy movement leaders Dennis Chan, Jeremy Tam, Cheuk-Yan Lee and Eric Lai met with Liberal MP Tim Wilson (centre) at Parliament House. SUPPLIED: AUSTRALIA-HONG KONG LINK
The five demands are the removal of the now-withdrawn extradition bill that sparked the protests; for the Government to stop calling protests "riots"; the release of arrested protesters; an independent inquiry into the actions of police; and universal suffrage.
PHOTO Hong Kong's protests have at times turned violent, with police spraying tear gas at protesters at the airport in August. REUTERS: TYRONE SIU'People will lose their patience'
Mr Tam's visit to Australia, along with pro-democracy political leaders Cheuk-yan Lee and Eric Yan-ho Lai and activist Dennis Chan, comes about a week after district council elections in Hong Kong delivered a resounding victory for the pro-democracy movement.
"It was sending a strong, clear and loud message to the Hong Kong Government, particularly to Chief Executive Carrie Lam, that Hong Kong people are still standing for our five demands and you must address them appropriately," Mr Tam said.
"It's been dragging on for five months and there is still no light at the end of the tunnel," he said.
"[There] has been too much violence, but … the police … are also escalating their unnecessary force towards the protesters.
PHOTO Anti-Government protesters have called for an independent inquiry into alleged instances of police brutality. AP: NG HAN GUAN
"Look at the protests [on Sunday] — that originally was quite a peaceful march on the streets and they got the permit up to 6:00pm.
"However at about 4:00pm, the police asked them to leave and cancelled the permit and started shooting tear gas.
"That is way before any of the petrol bombs were thrown or any of the violence from the protesters."
'Australia should make the judgement'
Mr Tam said the group is in Australia to meet with politicians because it is important to talk to them face-to-face and answer any of their concerns.
He did not suggest Australia should follow the lead of the United States Congress and create legislation to support the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
"It is up to the Australian Government, also the Parliament, rather than … an overseas lawmaker … to tell them what to do," he said.
"All we can do is present a case … Australia should make the judgement."
PHOTO Cathay Pacific said any action taken against staff is "always in strict accordance with the terms of their relevant employment contracts". ABC NEWS: DAN CONIFER
Former Cathay pilot warns Australian businesses vulnerable to political pressure from Beijing - Business
A former Cathay Pacific Airways pilot has warned Australian businesses are vulnerable to political pressure from the Chinese Government, saying Beijing "completely destroyed" the culture of the airline he once worked for.
Jeremy Man-ho Tam was a Cathay pilot for 18 years but quit his job in August to protect the airline from being politically attacked by Beijing because Mr Tam was part of the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
Mr Tam, also a member of Hong Kong's Legislative Council, is meeting with federal politicians in Canberra on Monday and Tuesday.
In August, China's aviation regulator demanded Hong Kong airline Cathay Pacific Airways suspend personnel who have engaged in protests from staffing flights into its airspace.
"It could happen to any airline, even, let's say, Qantas. Let's imagine one of the pilots makes a statement to say, 'I support the Hong Kong movement, the five demands,'" Mr Tam said.
"That could happen. And also any other business as well who are doing business with China, they can also use the same excuse."
The five demands are the removal of the now-withdrawn extradition bill that sparked the protests; for the Government to stop calling protests "riots"; the release of arrested protesters; an independent inquiry into the actions of police; and universal suffrage.
Mr Tam's visit to Australia, along with pro-democracy political leaders Cheuk-yan Lee and Eric Yan-ho Lai and activist Dennis Chan, comes about a week after district council elections in Hong Kong delivered a resounding victory for the pro-democracy movement.
"It was sending a strong, clear and loud message to the Hong Kong Government, particularly to Chief Executive Carrie Lam, that Hong Kong people are still standing for our five demands and you must address them appropriately," Mr Tam said.
Despite the win for that political camp, the former pilot believes violent protests in Hong Kong will continue.
"It's been dragging on for five months and there is still no light at the end of the tunnel," he said.
"[There] has been too much violence, but … the police … are also escalating their unnecessary force towards the protesters.
"Look at the protests [on Sunday] — that originally was quite a peaceful march on the streets and they got the permit up to 6:00pm.
"However at about 4:00pm, the police asked them to leave and cancelled the permit and started shooting tear gas.
"That is way before any of the petrol bombs were thrown or any of the violence from the protesters."
'Australia should make the judgement'
Mr Tam said the group is in Australia to meet with politicians because it is important to talk to them face-to-face and answer any of their concerns.
He did not suggest Australia should follow the lead of the United States Congress and create legislation to support the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong.
"It is up to the Australian Government, also the Parliament, rather than … an overseas lawmaker … to tell them what to do," he said.
"All we can do is present a case … Australia should make the judgement."
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Hong Kong Democracy Slogans Heard at Mainland Chinese Protest: Report
December 2, 2019
Slogans of Hong Kong’s democratic movement have been reportedly heard at protests in a Chinese city 60 miles to the west.
According to Hong Kong-based Apple Daily—a vocal supporter of the democracy campaign in Hong Kong—chants of “Liberate Maoming! Revolution of our times!” were heard during several days of protest in Maoming.
The chant is a take on the “Liberate Hong Kong” slogan commonly used during protests across the border, where anti-government demonstrations have raged since June.
Protestors also reportedly told Apple Daily reporters that their movement was “just like you [in] Hong Kong.” Both cities share a common Cantonese language.
In confrontations that began last week, Maoming protesters pelted police with bricks and set off fireworks, forcing authorities to announce Sunday that they would not be building a crematorium on plot of unused land in the area. The long-running plan had infuriated residents, who had been promised an ecological park on the same site.
Protests against town planning are common in China, releasing pent-up anger at corruption and local officialdom. But the climbdown by authorities in Maoming is unusual, as is the reported decision to release some 200 protesters arrested in recent days.
Mainland Chinese authorities have heavily censored news around the demonstration, with searches of relevant protest keywords drawing up blanks on social media platforms like Weibo and WeChat. But videos purportedly filmed in Maoming, showing scuffles between protestors and police, have been circulating on Twitter.
Beijing is determined that calls for democracy in Hong Kong will not spread. News of the Hong Kong protests is censored and overland travelers from Hong Kong to China have reportedly had to unlock their phones for border officials looking for evidence of participation in, or support for, the unrest.
Write to Hillary Leung at [email protected].
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Real difference between Cantonese and the other ah tiong groups with regards to the chicoms. Case in point the fuckeins.
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