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When it's more advance than the West?
Answer. Too many chinese and their toxic behaviour.
Answer. Too many chinese and their toxic behaviour.
-
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Why chinese want to leave china?
- Thread starter syed putra
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many bright young tiongs with dreams to becum billionaires now in sillycon valley. the best, brightest, most ambitious, and in many cases wealthiest (as they are kids from the wealthiest families in tiongcock) attend private schools and universities in the area hoping to land internships and later full employment at the high valuation and stratospheric “mangos” tech firms (meta, anthropic, nvidia, google, openai, spacex) with dreams of starting tech companies of their own after learning the ropes at any of the mangos. they have given up on tiongcock as they don’t see any path to becumming a tech billionaire there anymore (after ccp detains manus founders and other aspiring tech tycoons, young and old).
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How advanced a country is has little to do with emigration and everything to do with career opportunities and cost of living. I have Tiong friends who migrated here and their reasons usually revolve around the following:
1. Hyper-competitiveness both in education and job market - only the smartest, fittest, most ruthless or those with connections will survive. This guy I know took up a full scholarship with NTU (he eventually ended up with a double doctoral PhD-MD here) because he knew he couldn't get into Beida or Tsinghua and his future would be bleak in China. For every one JJ Zhang or Jack Ma, there will be millions struggling.
2. Mismatch between salaries and cost of living in major cities: if you work in a Tier 1 city, you can probably afford a nice home in a Tier 2 city; if you work in a Tier 2 city, your salary will only allow you to buy property in a Tier 3 city. And most of them need parental help to purchase property. Property prices in Shanghai and Beijing have surpassed Singapore's, but average salary is lower, and they don't have the BTO flat option that Sinkies have. So most people rent in the cities they work, but buy a house back in their hometown.
3. Health care is one area where China lags behind - on paper it's universal coverage, but in reality only the big cities get good health care. The level of care in rural areas, especially specialist facitilies, is limited. There's no concept of GP clinics like in Singapore or the West, so everyone goes to the hospital for simple acute illnesses, resulting in crowds and long queues.
4. Wealth inequality - the result of savage dog-eat-dog capitalist system.
One Tiong told me: it's better to be a big fish in a small pond (Sg) than to be a small fish in the big sea (China). Ultimately, they all admit that if you're rich, have good connections or the right diploma, China is a much better place to be in than Singapore. You have a vast market, (the Chinese think in terms of expanding into cities/other provinces instead of HDB estates), you can become a billionaire overnight with the right product and a little luck. And of course the vast varied topography and climatic range (only the US is comparable in this respect) offer you a lifestyle that smaller countries do not.
1. Hyper-competitiveness both in education and job market - only the smartest, fittest, most ruthless or those with connections will survive. This guy I know took up a full scholarship with NTU (he eventually ended up with a double doctoral PhD-MD here) because he knew he couldn't get into Beida or Tsinghua and his future would be bleak in China. For every one JJ Zhang or Jack Ma, there will be millions struggling.
2. Mismatch between salaries and cost of living in major cities: if you work in a Tier 1 city, you can probably afford a nice home in a Tier 2 city; if you work in a Tier 2 city, your salary will only allow you to buy property in a Tier 3 city. And most of them need parental help to purchase property. Property prices in Shanghai and Beijing have surpassed Singapore's, but average salary is lower, and they don't have the BTO flat option that Sinkies have. So most people rent in the cities they work, but buy a house back in their hometown.
3. Health care is one area where China lags behind - on paper it's universal coverage, but in reality only the big cities get good health care. The level of care in rural areas, especially specialist facitilies, is limited. There's no concept of GP clinics like in Singapore or the West, so everyone goes to the hospital for simple acute illnesses, resulting in crowds and long queues.
4. Wealth inequality - the result of savage dog-eat-dog capitalist system.
One Tiong told me: it's better to be a big fish in a small pond (Sg) than to be a small fish in the big sea (China). Ultimately, they all admit that if you're rich, have good connections or the right diploma, China is a much better place to be in than Singapore. You have a vast market, (the Chinese think in terms of expanding into cities/other provinces instead of HDB estates), you can become a billionaire overnight with the right product and a little luck. And of course the vast varied topography and climatic range (only the US is comparable in this respect) offer you a lifestyle that smaller countries do not.
AMDKs go China to gold-dig the weathy bitchy ATBs and take on high high positions of those Ah Tiong Towkays that kowtow worship AMDKs .... Ah Tiong graduates and educated now no jobs and low salary until like no study labor wages, so they all want to go overseas to huat big big with their powderful Degrees and PHDs .... china economy self-digestion will very soon collapse back into communism early stage of US and UN continue to sanction them .... no believe U see .... 
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Chinese and Jews. Tough fight who wins.
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Siao..
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Tiong got even bigger tech start up once but Xi Jinping curtailed them. Ali baba could get even bigger by Now if it was not hindered.
Tik tok. Baidu. Ten cents....... No need to go silly con valley and rip investors off with high valuation.
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The best. Cannot get in silly con valley.
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Yeah man. U see now so many rich tiongs go and do porn and fck hell lot of chio bu.
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Ya alot of peo say but nev associate with Jews b4. Not many in asia I assume. That is why during WW2 these two race kena aim.
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Xi worried about extremely rich and wealthy people exacerbating rich-poor gap and causing riots. He wants stability to cement his reign.
He doesn't understand that for the economy to grow, you can't stifle innovation, you have to allow risk capital, you have to allow the big corporations to grow big without turning into monopolies. Then do wealth transfers through taxes and social programs, a la Scandinavian countries.
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unfortunately for tiongcock, 1st official trillionaire in the world will be in the u.s. although not u.s.-born. otherwise it will be jack ma. unofficially the world’s 1st trillionaire is putin.
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No, because China's economy is entering a death spiral. Forget about the official reports and statistics.
The smarter Tiongs with foresight have already fled that shithole.
Many of those foreigners who produce content about how they love China, they are paid by the CCP regime to speak a good story of China.
The smarter Tiongs with foresight have already fled that shithole.
Many of those foreigners who produce content about how they love China, they are paid by the CCP regime to speak a good story of China.
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Leememeber?
https://thediplomat.com/2015/03/lee-kuan-yew-the-father-of-modern-china/
By Shannon Tiezzi
March 24, 2015
Subscribe for ads-free reading
With the passing of Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s first prime minister and one of the most influential Asian politicians, leaders and media outlets all over the world have put in their two cents on his legacy. In the Western world, analysis of his influence is generally mixed; the Washington Post, for example, led off its piece by calling Lee “the democratic world’s favorite dictator.” But in China, where Lee’s mix of authoritarian governance and economic reform proved hugely influential, reflections are far more glowing.
China’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement on March 23 saying that “the Chinese side deeply mourns the loss of Mr. Lee Kuan Yew.” The statement praised Lee as “a uniquely influential statesman in Asia and a strategist embodying oriental values and international vision.”
For China, that high praise might actually be underestimating Lee’s importance. After the death of Mao Zedong, Beijing’s leaders knew that Maoist philosophy was not the way forward for China – but they were loath to adopt Western alternatives such as democracy and a free market economy. In Lee’s Singapore, Chinese leaders found an alternative path, a path they could sell as being uniquely suited for Asian (or “oriental,” as China’s FM put it) values. That choice, to combine economic reforms with authoritarianism, shaped China as we know it today.
Jin Canrong of Renmin University told China Dailythat Lee’s greatest contribution to China was “sharing Singapore’s successful experience in governance.” In his biography of Deng Xiaoping, Ezra Vogel wrote that China’s great reformed was inspired by the example of Lee’s Singapore. Xi Jinping himself has said that China’s modernization process has been undeniably shaped by the “tens of thousands of Chinese officials” who went to Singapore to study Lee’s model. Lee himself visited China over 30 times and met with Chinese leaders from Mao to Xi Jinping, offering advice.
Ad
Perhaps Lee’s greatest legacy for China was inspiring not simply Deng’s economic reforms, but the very idea that reform and adaptation is a never-ending, essential process. As Lee put it in a 2007 interview with the New York Times, Singapore embraces practicality rather than ideology: “Does it work? If it works, let’s try it. If it’s fine, let’s continue it. If it doesn’t work, toss it out, try another one.” That pragmatic stance is echoed in Deng Xiaoping’s famous statement that “it doesn’t matter whether a cat is black or white, as long as it catches mice.”
Lee’s embrace of experimental reform is alive and well today in Xi and company’s emphasis on “comprehensively deepening reform.” In particular, China hopes to follow in the one area where its reforms veered away from Lee’s model – Singapore is known as one of the least corrupt countries in the world, while corruption in China has grown so great that leaders see it as an existential threat to Party rule. Legal analysts interviewed by the Wall Street Journal say the Singaporean model is providing a blueprint for legal reforms in China today.
Ad
However, in their zeal for practical reforms, both Lee and China kept to one baseline – the idea that democracy (at least as defined by the West) is incompatible with ‘Asian values.’ Lee’s commentthat China would “collapse” if it became a liberal democracy echoes similar themes popular among Chinese officials and state-run media.
Given Lee’s influence on China, it’s no wonder that Western leaders turned to him for advice on how to deal with Beijing. From Henry Kissinger to Tony Blair, Lee advised politicians for decades. Scholars even recently gathered together Lee’s advice for how to navigate the turbulent period as China becomes a peer competitor with the U.S., creating the book Lee Kuan Yew: The Grand Master’s Insights on China, the United States, and the World (published just two years ago).
Lee realized far earlier than most that China’s rise would necessitate a shift in the international order. “It’s not possible to pretend that [China] is just another big player,” Lee said in 1993. “This is the biggest player in the history of man.” Such language delighted leaders in Beijing eager to believe in the unique power of China’s history and culture and the inevitability of China’s rise. For years, Chinese leaders trusted Lee to explain their country. As China Dailyput it, “When China encountered resistance in the international arena, Lee played an important role in mediating and interpreting for China.”
To observers in the West, Lee’s words now seem prescient – one wonders how history might have changed if Washington, for example, had taken Lee’s advice to heart 20 years ago. With Lee gone, both China and the West will have to figure out how to deal with each other without his guidance.
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https://thediplomat.com/2015/03/lee-kuan-yew-the-father-of-modern-china/
Lee Kuan Yew: The Father of Modern China?
Lee Kuan Yew’s influence helped shape the China we know today.
By Shannon Tiezzi
March 24, 2015
Subscribe for ads-free reading
With the passing of Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s first prime minister and one of the most influential Asian politicians, leaders and media outlets all over the world have put in their two cents on his legacy. In the Western world, analysis of his influence is generally mixed; the Washington Post, for example, led off its piece by calling Lee “the democratic world’s favorite dictator.” But in China, where Lee’s mix of authoritarian governance and economic reform proved hugely influential, reflections are far more glowing.
China’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement on March 23 saying that “the Chinese side deeply mourns the loss of Mr. Lee Kuan Yew.” The statement praised Lee as “a uniquely influential statesman in Asia and a strategist embodying oriental values and international vision.”
For China, that high praise might actually be underestimating Lee’s importance. After the death of Mao Zedong, Beijing’s leaders knew that Maoist philosophy was not the way forward for China – but they were loath to adopt Western alternatives such as democracy and a free market economy. In Lee’s Singapore, Chinese leaders found an alternative path, a path they could sell as being uniquely suited for Asian (or “oriental,” as China’s FM put it) values. That choice, to combine economic reforms with authoritarianism, shaped China as we know it today.
Jin Canrong of Renmin University told China Dailythat Lee’s greatest contribution to China was “sharing Singapore’s successful experience in governance.” In his biography of Deng Xiaoping, Ezra Vogel wrote that China’s great reformed was inspired by the example of Lee’s Singapore. Xi Jinping himself has said that China’s modernization process has been undeniably shaped by the “tens of thousands of Chinese officials” who went to Singapore to study Lee’s model. Lee himself visited China over 30 times and met with Chinese leaders from Mao to Xi Jinping, offering advice.
Ad
Perhaps Lee’s greatest legacy for China was inspiring not simply Deng’s economic reforms, but the very idea that reform and adaptation is a never-ending, essential process. As Lee put it in a 2007 interview with the New York Times, Singapore embraces practicality rather than ideology: “Does it work? If it works, let’s try it. If it’s fine, let’s continue it. If it doesn’t work, toss it out, try another one.” That pragmatic stance is echoed in Deng Xiaoping’s famous statement that “it doesn’t matter whether a cat is black or white, as long as it catches mice.”
Lee’s embrace of experimental reform is alive and well today in Xi and company’s emphasis on “comprehensively deepening reform.” In particular, China hopes to follow in the one area where its reforms veered away from Lee’s model – Singapore is known as one of the least corrupt countries in the world, while corruption in China has grown so great that leaders see it as an existential threat to Party rule. Legal analysts interviewed by the Wall Street Journal say the Singaporean model is providing a blueprint for legal reforms in China today.
Ad
However, in their zeal for practical reforms, both Lee and China kept to one baseline – the idea that democracy (at least as defined by the West) is incompatible with ‘Asian values.’ Lee’s commentthat China would “collapse” if it became a liberal democracy echoes similar themes popular among Chinese officials and state-run media.
Given Lee’s influence on China, it’s no wonder that Western leaders turned to him for advice on how to deal with Beijing. From Henry Kissinger to Tony Blair, Lee advised politicians for decades. Scholars even recently gathered together Lee’s advice for how to navigate the turbulent period as China becomes a peer competitor with the U.S., creating the book Lee Kuan Yew: The Grand Master’s Insights on China, the United States, and the World (published just two years ago).
Lee realized far earlier than most that China’s rise would necessitate a shift in the international order. “It’s not possible to pretend that [China] is just another big player,” Lee said in 1993. “This is the biggest player in the history of man.” Such language delighted leaders in Beijing eager to believe in the unique power of China’s history and culture and the inevitability of China’s rise. For years, Chinese leaders trusted Lee to explain their country. As China Dailyput it, “When China encountered resistance in the international arena, Lee played an important role in mediating and interpreting for China.”
To observers in the West, Lee’s words now seem prescient – one wonders how history might have changed if Washington, for example, had taken Lee’s advice to heart 20 years ago. With Lee gone, both China and the West will have to figure out how to deal with each other without his guidance.
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