My point is why not a more neutral country? PAP SG was called "pi sai" by Taiwan. Then it open its legs for the PRCs to populate it. Clearly it is not a neutral arbiter.
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Heads of ROC and PRC to meet in SIngapore
- Thread starter aerobwala
- Start date
My point is why not a more neutral country? PAP SG was called "pi sai" by Taiwan. Then it open its legs for the PRCs to populate it. Clearly it is not a neutral arbiter.
If by 'neutral' you mean a totally disinterested party, Singapore is not neutral.
But Singapore is an (equal) ally of both ROC and PRC. We have longstanding military and economic ties with ROC, and still send our NSmen there; and we are now the biggest investor in the PRC. So we're an unbiased 3rd party in the ROC-PRC summit.
BLOOD IS THICKER THAN WATER....the Chinese here are related by blood to both, the CCCP & KMT......what neutral??
Protesters try to storm Parliament in Taiwan as Ma Ying-jeou leaves for Singapore to meet Xi
TAIPEI (AFP) November 7, 2015 - Angry protesters tried to storm Parliament in Taiwan overnight on Saturday (Oct 7) as the island's President Ma Ying-jeou left for a historic summit in Singapore with Chinese President Xi Jinping.
The meeting will be the first between leaders of the two sides since their 1949 split following a civil war won by the Chinese Communists.
Mr Xi and Mr Ma will shake hands at a luxury hotel in Singapore around 3pm, before holding talks behind closed doors for an hour.
It is a deeply symbolic seal on a dramatic seven-year rapprochement under Mr Ma following decades of hostility, but has provoked a backlash in Taiwan.
Closer ties with China have sparked fears over Beijing's growing influence with Mr Ma's opponents accusing him of selling out Taiwan by attending the summit.
Although it is a self-ruling island with a fierce sense of its own identity, Taiwan has never formally declared independence from Beijing, which sees it as a renegade province to be reunified with the mainland, by force if necessary.
Overnight around 100 protesters tried to storm the heavily guarded Parliament building in Taipei carrying "Taiwan independence" banners, but were stopped by the police. There were no arrests.
A dozen were still staging a sit-in outside Parliament early on Saturday morning.
Protesters also gathered at Taipei's Songshan airport, where Mr Ma gave a brief address to reporters before boarding his flight on Saturday morning.
The demonstrators burned images of the two leaders with slogans calling Mr Xi "Chinese dictator" and Mr Ma a "traitor".
"As a president who doesn't represent public opinion, Ma doesn't have the right to meet with the leader across the strait," said one 35-year-old who gave his name as Chen.
Police said some protesters were arrested but could not immediately give numbers.
A small group of Ma supporters were also at the airport.
"The purpose of the meeting is to recount the past, look forward to the future and, through the meeting, reinforce peace across the strait and maintain (the) status quo," Mr Ma told reporters before he left.
He added the summit would be a "new platform" for any future president of Taiwan to continue to develop cross-strait relations.
Critics have accused Mr Ma of arranging the summit in secret as a bid to boost the ruling Kuomintang's chances at January elections, which it is tipped to lose.
Support for the KMT and for Mr Ma personally has plunged, partly due to a China-friendly policy.
TAIPEI (AFP) November 7, 2015 - Angry protesters tried to storm Parliament in Taiwan overnight on Saturday (Oct 7) as the island's President Ma Ying-jeou left for a historic summit in Singapore with Chinese President Xi Jinping.
The meeting will be the first between leaders of the two sides since their 1949 split following a civil war won by the Chinese Communists.
Mr Xi and Mr Ma will shake hands at a luxury hotel in Singapore around 3pm, before holding talks behind closed doors for an hour.
It is a deeply symbolic seal on a dramatic seven-year rapprochement under Mr Ma following decades of hostility, but has provoked a backlash in Taiwan.
Closer ties with China have sparked fears over Beijing's growing influence with Mr Ma's opponents accusing him of selling out Taiwan by attending the summit.
Although it is a self-ruling island with a fierce sense of its own identity, Taiwan has never formally declared independence from Beijing, which sees it as a renegade province to be reunified with the mainland, by force if necessary.
Overnight around 100 protesters tried to storm the heavily guarded Parliament building in Taipei carrying "Taiwan independence" banners, but were stopped by the police. There were no arrests.
A dozen were still staging a sit-in outside Parliament early on Saturday morning.
Protesters also gathered at Taipei's Songshan airport, where Mr Ma gave a brief address to reporters before boarding his flight on Saturday morning.
The demonstrators burned images of the two leaders with slogans calling Mr Xi "Chinese dictator" and Mr Ma a "traitor".
"As a president who doesn't represent public opinion, Ma doesn't have the right to meet with the leader across the strait," said one 35-year-old who gave his name as Chen.
Police said some protesters were arrested but could not immediately give numbers.
A small group of Ma supporters were also at the airport.
"The purpose of the meeting is to recount the past, look forward to the future and, through the meeting, reinforce peace across the strait and maintain (the) status quo," Mr Ma told reporters before he left.
He added the summit would be a "new platform" for any future president of Taiwan to continue to develop cross-strait relations.
Critics have accused Mr Ma of arranging the summit in secret as a bid to boost the ruling Kuomintang's chances at January elections, which it is tipped to lose.
Support for the KMT and for Mr Ma personally has plunged, partly due to a China-friendly policy.
The strategic intentions behind Xi Jinping's meeting with Ma Ying-jeou
PUBLISHED: Friday, 5 November 2015, 5:08pm
Jonathan Sullivan, a associate professor of contemporary Chinese studies at the University of Nottingham, says Xi's symbolic meeting with Ma is Beijing's way of trying to pre-emptively constrain the Democratic Progressive Party ahead of its likely victory in presidential and legislative elections
When Xi Jinping and Ma Ying-jeou shake hands on Saturday in Singapore, it will be the first time in history that sitting presidents from the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China will have met each other face to face, even if they will not address each other as such. The symbolism is rich, particularly on the PRC side, where the image of a Taiwan returning to the fold is more powerful than scenes of Xi rubbing shoulders with US President Barack Obama or being received in state by the queen in Britain. The meeting is obviously a coup for Ma, a man driven by a keen sense of the Chinese nation and his personal role in its preservation. It is also great news for Beijing to serve up at home, with the Global Times pronouncing that "the Taiwan problem is no longer a problem".
Beyond the warm and fuzzy state media coverage, the timing of the meeting reveals a lot about the intentions behind it. We are just two months away from elections in Taiwan that will almost certainly see the Democratic Progressive Party win the presidency and a legislative majority for the first time. For Beijing, which suspects DPP president Tsai Ing-wen's "true intentions" and her capacity to keep the "secessionist tendencies" of her party's factions in check, it is an unnerving prospect.
The last time the DPP controlled the presidency, despite facing an obstructive Kuomintang/People First Party majority in parliament, Chen Shui-bian was able to widely cement the idea of Taiwan's distinctness and separation from the rest of China. Now, after eight years under a president who is unusually well disposed to the mainland and, in his first term at least, powerful enough to push through significant moves towards economic integration, the trends in Taiwanese public opinion are unpropitious for advocates of closer ties. Decades-long opinion polls show the Taiwanese have never been surer about their identity, and identification with Taiwan is unequivocal among the young. At this point, Beijing has decided to intervene.
In the short term, the prospect of Beijing's intervention rescuing the KMT, which has for months been sleepwalking towards catastrophic electoral defeat, is slim. Although the KMT recently acted to remove its duly elected presidential nominee, the unificationist Hung Hsiu-chu, the machinations needed to replace her with chairman Eric Chu appear to have been a wasted effort. Tarnished by his ties to Ma and the protracted drama over his decision to run, Chu's poll numbers are little better than Hung's. Building on historic gains in last November's local elections, the national campaigns have thus far been plain sailing for the DPP. Tsai has staked out popular positions on China and the economy, and gave an accomplished performance on her trip to the US. She currently enjoys a double-digit lead. Given that Ma's unpopularity is mainly a product of a rush to embrace China, combined with his opaque decision-making - the sunflower movement was first and foremost about transparency in politics - it is difficult to see how a clandestinely arranged surprise meeting with the Chinese president will help the KMT at the polls.
However, taking a broader geographical and longer-term view, the meeting serves multiple ends for both parties. Ma gets his long-cherished milestone and may be able to convert it into continuing relevance after he steps down. Much more significantly, for the Communist Party, the meeting will serve to circumscribe what the DPP can do by enhancing and solidifying "international society's" perception of what the status quo in cross-strait relations is. Given that it is difficult to read a newspaper report about Taiwan without seeing the words "renegade province" or "province of China", one could say that the framing war has already been won. But the mainland will frame the Xi-Ma meeting as the embodiment of the "status quo": friendly relations, dialogue and partnership, progress moving towards unification. The reality is nothing of the sort, but that matters less than the image and the narrative that will be constructed around it. The presentation of an "enhanced status quo" complicates Tsai's position, during the campaign but more importantly after her likely victory. Constraining the DPP, pre-emptively circumscribing its room for manoeuvre and limiting the "damage" that a DPP administration could do to the unification project is the aim of this meeting.
The losers in all this, surprise surprise, are the Taiwanese people. Yet, contrary to the reaction of their hyperactive politicised media, Taiwanese society appears fairly relaxed about it. Indeed, Taiwanese have reacted with remarkable equanimity considering what is, to many, the galling spectacle of a reviled leader pursuing his personal goals against the wishes of the majority, and witnessing an outside power conspire to influence the outcome of hard-won democratic processes. The "maturity" of this response is a resounding rebuttal to Chinese, and some of the KMT elite, who complain that Taiwan's democracy is undermined by the emotional and immature nature of the people. Despite the exigencies of political competition and the heightened sense of drama that accompanies Taiwan's hard-fought elections, there is actually a high degree of consensus on Taiwan's status - functional autonomy within the framework of the ROC with future endpoints still to be decided.
The majority of Taiwanese identify themselves as Taiwanese, identify with the Taiwanese form of democracy, enjoy the freedoms of Taiwanese society and distinguish very clearly between Taiwan and the PRC. Taiwanese are angry but they also have sufficient confidence in the robustness of their democracy to let their votes do the talking. They know that, come January 16, their opportunity will come to pronounce on Ma and the KMT's eight-year tenure. The worry is that the right to sanction the KMT will be a pyrrhic victory if Taiwan's future has already been influenced by something as decidedly undemocratic as an ad hoc meeting between Mr Xi and Mr Ma
PUBLISHED: Friday, 5 November 2015, 5:08pm
Jonathan Sullivan, a associate professor of contemporary Chinese studies at the University of Nottingham, says Xi's symbolic meeting with Ma is Beijing's way of trying to pre-emptively constrain the Democratic Progressive Party ahead of its likely victory in presidential and legislative elections
When Xi Jinping and Ma Ying-jeou shake hands on Saturday in Singapore, it will be the first time in history that sitting presidents from the People's Republic of China and the Republic of China will have met each other face to face, even if they will not address each other as such. The symbolism is rich, particularly on the PRC side, where the image of a Taiwan returning to the fold is more powerful than scenes of Xi rubbing shoulders with US President Barack Obama or being received in state by the queen in Britain. The meeting is obviously a coup for Ma, a man driven by a keen sense of the Chinese nation and his personal role in its preservation. It is also great news for Beijing to serve up at home, with the Global Times pronouncing that "the Taiwan problem is no longer a problem".
Beyond the warm and fuzzy state media coverage, the timing of the meeting reveals a lot about the intentions behind it. We are just two months away from elections in Taiwan that will almost certainly see the Democratic Progressive Party win the presidency and a legislative majority for the first time. For Beijing, which suspects DPP president Tsai Ing-wen's "true intentions" and her capacity to keep the "secessionist tendencies" of her party's factions in check, it is an unnerving prospect.
The last time the DPP controlled the presidency, despite facing an obstructive Kuomintang/People First Party majority in parliament, Chen Shui-bian was able to widely cement the idea of Taiwan's distinctness and separation from the rest of China. Now, after eight years under a president who is unusually well disposed to the mainland and, in his first term at least, powerful enough to push through significant moves towards economic integration, the trends in Taiwanese public opinion are unpropitious for advocates of closer ties. Decades-long opinion polls show the Taiwanese have never been surer about their identity, and identification with Taiwan is unequivocal among the young. At this point, Beijing has decided to intervene.
In the short term, the prospect of Beijing's intervention rescuing the KMT, which has for months been sleepwalking towards catastrophic electoral defeat, is slim. Although the KMT recently acted to remove its duly elected presidential nominee, the unificationist Hung Hsiu-chu, the machinations needed to replace her with chairman Eric Chu appear to have been a wasted effort. Tarnished by his ties to Ma and the protracted drama over his decision to run, Chu's poll numbers are little better than Hung's. Building on historic gains in last November's local elections, the national campaigns have thus far been plain sailing for the DPP. Tsai has staked out popular positions on China and the economy, and gave an accomplished performance on her trip to the US. She currently enjoys a double-digit lead. Given that Ma's unpopularity is mainly a product of a rush to embrace China, combined with his opaque decision-making - the sunflower movement was first and foremost about transparency in politics - it is difficult to see how a clandestinely arranged surprise meeting with the Chinese president will help the KMT at the polls.
However, taking a broader geographical and longer-term view, the meeting serves multiple ends for both parties. Ma gets his long-cherished milestone and may be able to convert it into continuing relevance after he steps down. Much more significantly, for the Communist Party, the meeting will serve to circumscribe what the DPP can do by enhancing and solidifying "international society's" perception of what the status quo in cross-strait relations is. Given that it is difficult to read a newspaper report about Taiwan without seeing the words "renegade province" or "province of China", one could say that the framing war has already been won. But the mainland will frame the Xi-Ma meeting as the embodiment of the "status quo": friendly relations, dialogue and partnership, progress moving towards unification. The reality is nothing of the sort, but that matters less than the image and the narrative that will be constructed around it. The presentation of an "enhanced status quo" complicates Tsai's position, during the campaign but more importantly after her likely victory. Constraining the DPP, pre-emptively circumscribing its room for manoeuvre and limiting the "damage" that a DPP administration could do to the unification project is the aim of this meeting.
The losers in all this, surprise surprise, are the Taiwanese people. Yet, contrary to the reaction of their hyperactive politicised media, Taiwanese society appears fairly relaxed about it. Indeed, Taiwanese have reacted with remarkable equanimity considering what is, to many, the galling spectacle of a reviled leader pursuing his personal goals against the wishes of the majority, and witnessing an outside power conspire to influence the outcome of hard-won democratic processes. The "maturity" of this response is a resounding rebuttal to Chinese, and some of the KMT elite, who complain that Taiwan's democracy is undermined by the emotional and immature nature of the people. Despite the exigencies of political competition and the heightened sense of drama that accompanies Taiwan's hard-fought elections, there is actually a high degree of consensus on Taiwan's status - functional autonomy within the framework of the ROC with future endpoints still to be decided.
The majority of Taiwanese identify themselves as Taiwanese, identify with the Taiwanese form of democracy, enjoy the freedoms of Taiwanese society and distinguish very clearly between Taiwan and the PRC. Taiwanese are angry but they also have sufficient confidence in the robustness of their democracy to let their votes do the talking. They know that, come January 16, their opportunity will come to pronounce on Ma and the KMT's eight-year tenure. The worry is that the right to sanction the KMT will be a pyrrhic victory if Taiwan's future has already been influenced by something as decidedly undemocratic as an ad hoc meeting between Mr Xi and Mr Ma
Xi-Ma meeting: Transcript of Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou's opening remarks
SINGAPORE — Leaders of political rivals Taiwan and China met today (Nov 7) for the first time in more than 60 years for talks that come amid rising anti-Beijing sentiment on the self-ruled democratic island and weeks ahead of elections there.
Including their historic handshake, brief opening remarks before reporters and a closed-door session, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou met for an hour on neutral ground in Singapore.
Here's the transcript of what Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou said in the first 10 minutes of the meeting that was open to the media:
Mr Xi, friends from the two delegations across the straits, and people present today,
Today, I and Mr Xi in our capacities as leader across the straits, we are holding the future of the two sides across the straits and history.
In April 1993, Mr Koo Chen-fu and Mr Wang Daohan held talks and they inked four agreements that laid the foundations of a mechanism for cross-straits dialogue.
When I spoke with the founding Prime Minister of Singapore Lee Kuan Yew, I said that the foundations of the cross-strait relationship should be based on well being of our people.
What is behind us is the long history of the relationship. In the past few years, we decided to replace conflict with people dialogue and we have stuck to the path of prosperity and wellbeing.
We can swear to the whole world our determination to peaceful development of people’s rights. We follow different political systems, but we develop dialogue in terms of military and economic cooperation. This is not done overnight. There are over 40,000 of cross-strait student exchanges annually. There are US$170 billion of trade value across the straits. These are the fruits of our relations.
The ancient book of “shang shu” says we have to really trust each other and seek pragmatic strategies. In the past few years, we have reached a couple of cooperative deals. This is in line with expectations across the straits and also the global community.
I want to make five proposals for peaceful development:
In 1992, we reached the 1 China consensus. This is the political foundation of cross straits relationship that we both stick to. It is on this foundation that we reached 23 agreements, making the relationship its very best in 66 years.
Second, we have to reduce animosity across the straits. We are never enemies like before. We cannot develop animosity and we need to resolve conflict through dialogue.
Third, increase exchanges and cooperation. We need to establish institutions on each other’s side and create win-win cooperation with each other.
Fourth, we need need hotlines on both sides. As the two exchange foundations across the strait, we have established communication mechanisms. We also have to establish hotlines between Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council and China’s Mainland Taiwan Affairs Office.
We are all descendents of the chinese people. We should cooperate together and rejuvenate the Chinese nation.This is not out of our self-interests but for the benefit of our future generations. We must value what people value and safeguard peace across the strait to ensure win-win cooperation.
Mr Xi, today’s cross-strait relations most peaceful since 1994. In the past few years, I always see Taiwanese students discuss and research with Chinese students. I have seen them study together. This is very heartfelt. They are all very passionate and innovative.
以下为台湾领导人马英九讲话全文。
习先生，大陆与台湾代表团的各位女士、先生，以及在场的媒体朋友们，大家午安，大家好！
今天，我与习近平先生分别以台湾与大陆领导人的身分，穿越66年的时空，伸手相握，握着两岸的过去与未来，也握着中华民族振兴的希望，深具历史意义。
22年前，也就是1993年的4月，台湾海基会董事长辜振甫先生与大陆海协会会长汪道涵先生在新加坡会面，签订了4个协议，为两岸制度化协商打下了基础。12年前，也就是2003年的10月，我在“东亚经济高峰会”上，与新加坡建国总理李光耀资政对谈。当时我们都认为：“两岸的发展，要以人民的利益为依归”。
此刻，我和习先生相对而坐，共聚一堂，在我们背后的，是两岸分隔超过一甲子的历史；在我们眼前的，是这几年来，双方致力“以对话取代对立、以和解替代冲突”的成果；在我们手上的，是永续和平与繁荣的目标。此时此刻，海峡两岸正大声向全世界宣示巩固台海和平的决心，以及促进区域和平的讯息。
这66年来，两岸在不同的体制下发展，能够从军事对抗转为合作交流，绝非朝夕之功。7年多来，两岸签订了23项协议，创造了4万多学生交流、每年800万旅客往来与1700多亿美元贸易的空前荣景。这些巨大改变的基础，都在于“和平”。
历史为两岸留下了错综复杂的世代课题，这正是《尚书》所说的“非知之艰，行之惟艰”。对于各自坚持的敏感议题，需要双方正视现实，以智慧、耐心与诚意务实处理。但是，我们依然能够努力在双方这些年来建构的“制度性协商”之下，达成了两岸和解与合作，推动了永续和平与繁荣，而这也是两岸及国际社会共同的期待。
今天，我愿提出维系两岸和平繁荣现状的五点主张：
第一、巩固“九二共识”，维持和平现状。海峡两岸在1992年11月就“一个中国”原则达成的共识，简称“九二共识”。九二共识是两岸推动和平发展的共同政治基础，正是因为双方共同尊重九二共识，过去七年半来，我们才能获致包括达成23项协议在内的丰硕成果与和平荣景，让两岸关系处于66年来最和平稳定的状态。这个部分，等一下在会谈时，我会再进一步说明。
第二、降低敌对状态，和平处理争端。两岸目前已不再处于过去的冲突对立，双方应持续降低敌对状态，并以和平方式解决争端。
第三、扩大两岸交流，增进互利双赢。两岸目前尚未结案的议题，例如货贸协议、两会互设机构、与陆客中转等，应尽速处理，以创造两岸双赢。
第四、设置两岸热线，处理急要问题。两岸目前在海基会、海协会首长之间，与陆委会、国台办副首长之间，均已设有联系机制。今后应在陆委会、国台办首长之间设立热线，以处理紧急与重要问题。
第五、两岸共同合作，致力振兴中华。两岸人民同属中华民族、都是炎黄子孙，应互助合作，致力振兴中华。
这五点主张不是为一己之私、单方之利，而是为了后代子孙的幸福。我诚挚地希望，双方都应该重视人民所珍惜的价值与生活方式，维护两岸和平，以中华文化蕴涵的智慧，确保两岸互利双赢。
习先生，当前的两岸关系，已经是1949年以来最为和平稳定的阶段。这几年，我常常在台湾的大学校园中，看到两岸学生一起讨论、一起运动、一起演奏、一起欢笑的画面。那种自然的水乳交融，往往让我既欣慰，又感动。他们有热情、有创意；但他们没有仇恨，没有包袱；他们能在人生较早的阶段建立友谊，一定可以为两岸永续和平打下更坚实的基础。我们要好好珍惜、扩大这个基础。
北宋大儒张横渠主张“为天地立心，为生民立命，为往圣继绝学，为万世开太平”。习先生，为了两岸人民，让我们一起努力、“为生民立命，为万世开太平”，为中华民族开创更和平灿烂的未来。
谢谢大家！
SINGAPORE — Leaders of political rivals Taiwan and China met today (Nov 7) for the first time in more than 60 years for talks that come amid rising anti-Beijing sentiment on the self-ruled democratic island and weeks ahead of elections there.
Including their historic handshake, brief opening remarks before reporters and a closed-door session, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Taiwanese President Ma Ying-jeou met for an hour on neutral ground in Singapore.
Here's the transcript of what Taiwan President Ma Ying-jeou said in the first 10 minutes of the meeting that was open to the media:
Mr Xi, friends from the two delegations across the straits, and people present today,
Today, I and Mr Xi in our capacities as leader across the straits, we are holding the future of the two sides across the straits and history.
In April 1993, Mr Koo Chen-fu and Mr Wang Daohan held talks and they inked four agreements that laid the foundations of a mechanism for cross-straits dialogue.
When I spoke with the founding Prime Minister of Singapore Lee Kuan Yew, I said that the foundations of the cross-strait relationship should be based on well being of our people.
What is behind us is the long history of the relationship. In the past few years, we decided to replace conflict with people dialogue and we have stuck to the path of prosperity and wellbeing.
We can swear to the whole world our determination to peaceful development of people’s rights. We follow different political systems, but we develop dialogue in terms of military and economic cooperation. This is not done overnight. There are over 40,000 of cross-strait student exchanges annually. There are US$170 billion of trade value across the straits. These are the fruits of our relations.
The ancient book of “shang shu” says we have to really trust each other and seek pragmatic strategies. In the past few years, we have reached a couple of cooperative deals. This is in line with expectations across the straits and also the global community.
I want to make five proposals for peaceful development:
In 1992, we reached the 1 China consensus. This is the political foundation of cross straits relationship that we both stick to. It is on this foundation that we reached 23 agreements, making the relationship its very best in 66 years.
Second, we have to reduce animosity across the straits. We are never enemies like before. We cannot develop animosity and we need to resolve conflict through dialogue.
Third, increase exchanges and cooperation. We need to establish institutions on each other’s side and create win-win cooperation with each other.
Fourth, we need need hotlines on both sides. As the two exchange foundations across the strait, we have established communication mechanisms. We also have to establish hotlines between Taiwan’s Mainland Affairs Council and China’s Mainland Taiwan Affairs Office.
We are all descendents of the chinese people. We should cooperate together and rejuvenate the Chinese nation.This is not out of our self-interests but for the benefit of our future generations. We must value what people value and safeguard peace across the strait to ensure win-win cooperation.
Mr Xi, today’s cross-strait relations most peaceful since 1994. In the past few years, I always see Taiwanese students discuss and research with Chinese students. I have seen them study together. This is very heartfelt. They are all very passionate and innovative.
以下为台湾领导人马英九讲话全文。
习先生，大陆与台湾代表团的各位女士、先生，以及在场的媒体朋友们，大家午安，大家好！
今天，我与习近平先生分别以台湾与大陆领导人的身分，穿越66年的时空，伸手相握，握着两岸的过去与未来，也握着中华民族振兴的希望，深具历史意义。
22年前，也就是1993年的4月，台湾海基会董事长辜振甫先生与大陆海协会会长汪道涵先生在新加坡会面，签订了4个协议，为两岸制度化协商打下了基础。12年前，也就是2003年的10月，我在“东亚经济高峰会”上，与新加坡建国总理李光耀资政对谈。当时我们都认为：“两岸的发展，要以人民的利益为依归”。
此刻，我和习先生相对而坐，共聚一堂，在我们背后的，是两岸分隔超过一甲子的历史；在我们眼前的，是这几年来，双方致力“以对话取代对立、以和解替代冲突”的成果；在我们手上的，是永续和平与繁荣的目标。此时此刻，海峡两岸正大声向全世界宣示巩固台海和平的决心，以及促进区域和平的讯息。
这66年来，两岸在不同的体制下发展，能够从军事对抗转为合作交流，绝非朝夕之功。7年多来，两岸签订了23项协议，创造了4万多学生交流、每年800万旅客往来与1700多亿美元贸易的空前荣景。这些巨大改变的基础，都在于“和平”。
历史为两岸留下了错综复杂的世代课题，这正是《尚书》所说的“非知之艰，行之惟艰”。对于各自坚持的敏感议题，需要双方正视现实，以智慧、耐心与诚意务实处理。但是，我们依然能够努力在双方这些年来建构的“制度性协商”之下，达成了两岸和解与合作，推动了永续和平与繁荣，而这也是两岸及国际社会共同的期待。
今天，我愿提出维系两岸和平繁荣现状的五点主张：
第一、巩固“九二共识”，维持和平现状。海峡两岸在1992年11月就“一个中国”原则达成的共识，简称“九二共识”。九二共识是两岸推动和平发展的共同政治基础，正是因为双方共同尊重九二共识，过去七年半来，我们才能获致包括达成23项协议在内的丰硕成果与和平荣景，让两岸关系处于66年来最和平稳定的状态。这个部分，等一下在会谈时，我会再进一步说明。
第二、降低敌对状态，和平处理争端。两岸目前已不再处于过去的冲突对立，双方应持续降低敌对状态，并以和平方式解决争端。
第三、扩大两岸交流，增进互利双赢。两岸目前尚未结案的议题，例如货贸协议、两会互设机构、与陆客中转等，应尽速处理，以创造两岸双赢。
第四、设置两岸热线，处理急要问题。两岸目前在海基会、海协会首长之间，与陆委会、国台办副首长之间，均已设有联系机制。今后应在陆委会、国台办首长之间设立热线，以处理紧急与重要问题。
第五、两岸共同合作，致力振兴中华。两岸人民同属中华民族、都是炎黄子孙，应互助合作，致力振兴中华。
这五点主张不是为一己之私、单方之利，而是为了后代子孙的幸福。我诚挚地希望，双方都应该重视人民所珍惜的价值与生活方式，维护两岸和平，以中华文化蕴涵的智慧，确保两岸互利双赢。
习先生，当前的两岸关系，已经是1949年以来最为和平稳定的阶段。这几年，我常常在台湾的大学校园中，看到两岸学生一起讨论、一起运动、一起演奏、一起欢笑的画面。那种自然的水乳交融，往往让我既欣慰，又感动。他们有热情、有创意；但他们没有仇恨，没有包袱；他们能在人生较早的阶段建立友谊，一定可以为两岸永续和平打下更坚实的基础。我们要好好珍惜、扩大这个基础。
北宋大儒张横渠主张“为天地立心，为生民立命，为往圣继绝学，为万世开太平”。习先生，为了两岸人民，让我们一起努力、“为生民立命，为万世开太平”，为中华民族开创更和平灿烂的未来。
谢谢大家！
Last edited:
2015年11月07日 15:20 来源：央视新闻
两岸领导人习近平、马英九7日下午在新加坡香格里拉饭店会面握手，之后习近平致辞。习近平说，我们应该以行动向世人表明，两岸中国人完全有能力、有智慧解决好自己的问题。
以下是致辞全文：
尊敬的马英九先生，各位朋友，大家下午好。
今天是一个非常特别的日子，两岸领导人见面，翻开了两岸关系历史性的一页。历史将会记住今天。
曾几何时，台海阴云密布，两岸军事对峙，同胞隔海相望，亲人音讯断绝，给无数家庭留下了刻苦铭心的伤痛，甚至是无法弥补的遗憾。
然而，海峡隔不断兄弟亲情，挡不住同胞对家乡故土的思念和对家人团聚的渴望。同胞亲情的力量终于在上个世纪八十年代冲开了两岸封锁的大门。2008年以来，两岸关系走上了和平发展的道路。过去七年，台海局势安定祥和，两岸关系成果丰硕，两岸双方和广大同胞为此付出了大量心血。
正因为有了这七年的积累，两岸双方才能迈出今天这历史性的一步。在此，我要向所有为推动两岸关系发展做出贡献的同胞和朋友表示衷心的感谢。
两岸关系66年的发展历程表明，不管两岸同胞经历多少风雨，有过多长时间的隔绝，没有任何力量能把我们分开。因为我们是打断骨头连着筋的同胞兄弟，是血浓于水的一家人。
当前，两岸关系发展面临方向和道路的抉择，我们今天坐在一起，是为了让历史悲剧不再重演，让两岸关系和平发展成果不得而复失，让两岸同胞继续开创和平安宁的生活，让我们的子孙后代共享美好的未来。
两岸双方应该从两岸关系发展历程中得到启迪，以对民族负责，对历史负责的担当作出经得起历史检验的选择。我们应该以行动向世人表明，两岸中国人完全有能力、有智慧解决好自己的问题，并共同为世界和地区和平稳定发展繁荣作出更大贡献。
我希望，两岸双方共同努力，两岸同胞携手奋斗，坚持“九二共识”，巩固共同政治基础，坚定走和平发展道路，保持两岸关系发展正确方向，深化两岸交流合作，增进两岸同胞福祉，共谋中华民族伟大复兴，让两岸同胞共享民族复兴的伟大荣耀。
两岸领导人习近平、马英九7日下午在新加坡香格里拉饭店会面握手，之后习近平致辞。习近平说，我们应该以行动向世人表明，两岸中国人完全有能力、有智慧解决好自己的问题。
以下是致辞全文：
尊敬的马英九先生，各位朋友，大家下午好。
今天是一个非常特别的日子，两岸领导人见面，翻开了两岸关系历史性的一页。历史将会记住今天。
曾几何时，台海阴云密布，两岸军事对峙，同胞隔海相望，亲人音讯断绝，给无数家庭留下了刻苦铭心的伤痛，甚至是无法弥补的遗憾。
然而，海峡隔不断兄弟亲情，挡不住同胞对家乡故土的思念和对家人团聚的渴望。同胞亲情的力量终于在上个世纪八十年代冲开了两岸封锁的大门。2008年以来，两岸关系走上了和平发展的道路。过去七年，台海局势安定祥和，两岸关系成果丰硕，两岸双方和广大同胞为此付出了大量心血。
正因为有了这七年的积累，两岸双方才能迈出今天这历史性的一步。在此，我要向所有为推动两岸关系发展做出贡献的同胞和朋友表示衷心的感谢。
两岸关系66年的发展历程表明，不管两岸同胞经历多少风雨，有过多长时间的隔绝，没有任何力量能把我们分开。因为我们是打断骨头连着筋的同胞兄弟，是血浓于水的一家人。
当前，两岸关系发展面临方向和道路的抉择，我们今天坐在一起，是为了让历史悲剧不再重演，让两岸关系和平发展成果不得而复失，让两岸同胞继续开创和平安宁的生活，让我们的子孙后代共享美好的未来。
两岸双方应该从两岸关系发展历程中得到启迪，以对民族负责，对历史负责的担当作出经得起历史检验的选择。我们应该以行动向世人表明，两岸中国人完全有能力、有智慧解决好自己的问题，并共同为世界和地区和平稳定发展繁荣作出更大贡献。
我希望，两岸双方共同努力，两岸同胞携手奋斗，坚持“九二共识”，巩固共同政治基础，坚定走和平发展道路，保持两岸关系发展正确方向，深化两岸交流合作，增进两岸同胞福祉，共谋中华民族伟大复兴，让两岸同胞共享民族复兴的伟大荣耀。
It because no paparazzi and tight security in public places when Loong calls for it. It is that simple. So complicate, all armchair experts here in this forum. 
Singapore is a peesai. You do well to remember that. 
Over my dead body.
Ma, Xi to split dinner bill in Singapore
2015/11/04 22:37:30
Singapore's Shangri-La Hotel.
Taipei, Nov. 4 (CNA) President Ma Ying-jeou and his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping will split the bill for their dinner in Singapore on Saturday, Mainland Affairs Council (MAC) Deputy Minister Wu Mei-hung (吳美紅) said Wednesday.
The two leaders are expected to have dinner together after their meeting in Singapore, and Ma will fly back to Taiwan immediately after dinner, according to Wu.
"It's not about who will be whose guest at the dinner, but about having dinner together," said Wu.
She said the two sides will also split the cost of renting the venue at Singapore's Shangri-La Hotel for the Ma-Xi meeting.
The meeting in Singapore on Nov. 7 will begin with opening statements by Ma and Xi in a session that will be open to the press, followed by a closed-door discussion. The two leaders will hold separate press conference after the meeting and then will have dinner together, according to the MAC.
(By Yin Chun-chieh and Lee Mei-yu)
More likely robert Kuok will take the tab.
Now that will yield tenfold, hundredfold returns.
什么是中国梦，怎样理解中国梦
冷溶 - 中央文献研究室主任
内容提要
□1840年鸦片战争后，中国逐渐沦为半殖民地，开始了屈辱的历史，从此也开始了民族复兴的历史，也就是开始了中国梦的历史。
□回顾近代以来的历史，可以看得很清楚。孙中山先生提出了“振兴中华”的口号并为之努力，但是没有找到出路。是中国共产党成立以后，领导人民经过不懈奋斗，才逐步使这个梦想成为现实。这个过程，可以概括为“两个百年”、“两重任务”。
□中国梦不仅仅是理想、是目标，也是现实，反映在每个中国人的生活中。实现中国梦，就是实现老百姓的梦。“人民对美好生活的向往，就是我们的奋斗目标。”
□实现中国梦，创造全体人民更加美好的生活，任重而道远，需要坚韧不拔的精神，需要众志成城的力量，需要我们每一个人的艰苦努力。人世间的一切幸福，都要靠辛勤的劳动来创造。
习近平同志在参观“复兴之路”展览时，提出了实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。他在十二届全国人大一次会议上的讲话中系统阐发了这个思想，在出访俄罗斯、非洲国家和出席亚洲博鳌论坛等讲话中又进一步作了论述。现在，不但中国，而且全世界都在关注中国梦这个词，希望从中国梦中获益。正如习近平同志所说，我们要实现的中国梦，不仅造福中国人民，而且造福世界各国人民。
中国梦，反映了中国人民包括海外同胞、全世界华人的共同心声、共同愿景、共同意志，是凝聚全党和全国人民的最大共识，极大地激发了中国人民发展国家、振兴民族的热情。
中国梦是怎么来的，它的涵义是什么呢？
（一）
“振兴中华”这句话，最早是孙中山先生提出来的。他在1894年兴中会成立章程中写道：“是会之设，专为振兴中华”。我们党成立以后，承担起领导人民振兴中华的神圣使命。毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛同志都对民族复兴作了大量论述。改革开放初期，“团结起来，振兴中华”这个口号，是最响亮的一句话。周恩来同志的“为中华崛起而读书”，为人们所熟知，一直是青年学子奋发向上的励志警句。
中国梦，民族复兴，为什么能够凝聚中国人民，凝聚中华民族？
外国人往往不理解中国为什么会发展得这么快，中国人搞发展的劲头为什么这么大。这首先要看看中国的历史。中国在历史上曾经很辉煌，而近代以来又很悲惨，受尽屈辱，这个反差太大了。习近平同志说，每一个中国人想起那段历史都会感到心痛。所以，中国人总有那么一股民族复兴的心结和劲头，这是一种精神动力。实现中国梦必须要有中国精神，一个重要的精神力量就是爱国主义。每个人的命运与国家民族的强盛息息相关。用中国梦来凝聚人民、激励人民，非常准确，非常有力量。
中国历史上的辉煌时期，首推汉唐。汉朝距今已有2000多年，现在世界上还把中国的语言文字称作汉语，把中国学称作汉学，可见它的影响。在唐朝的时候，发展得最好的时期，是又强大又可亲的形象。强大而可亲，这是毛泽东同志说过的话，是治国的理想境界。当时是时清海宴、文怀远人、和睦万邦的景象。
中国的衰落，是在明朝中叶以后。邓小平同志讲过这段历史。他说：“如果从明朝中叶算起，到鸦片战争，有三百多年的闭关自守，如果从康熙算起，也有近二百年。长期闭关自守，把中国搞得贫穷落后，愚昧无知。”明朝中叶大约是在1500年前后的时候。1449年发生土木之变，明英宗被瓦剌军俘虏，被认为是明朝由盛转衰的转折点。历史学家黄仁宇写的《万历十五年》这本书，也描绘了明朝衰落的情景。他从大历史观的角度认为，这不但是明朝的转折时期，也是中华民族的转折时期。当时西方已经过文艺复兴，资本主义生产力和生产关系发展起来了。特别是1492年哥伦布发现新大陆后，开始资本主义全球化进程，西方世界发展速度加快。马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中讲了这个历史。这正是在明朝中叶的时候。斯塔夫里阿诺斯在他著名的《世界通史》里，把世界史划分为1500年以前的历史和1500年以后的历史，也说明这是个重要历史转折时期。明朝初年郑和下西洋，比哥伦布早了近100年，但是二者的目的和理念完全不同。这样，中国就开始落后了。
到了清朝康熙时期，国家看起来还很强大，但实际上是落日的辉煌。当时，英国已经过光荣革命，跑在了最前面。法国经过宗教改革，开始了启蒙运动。原本落后的俄国也在1698年开始改革，赶上了世界发展潮流。恩格斯称彼得大帝是“真正的伟人”，能够顺时而变。而清朝却不了解世界的变化，以为自己很强大，思想僵化保守。康熙也喜欢西学，但不是作为强国之道学的，他不理解其中的新思想，固守自己那套旧的东西，认为西方的东西不过是奇技淫巧。中国当时的落后，并非国力不行，而是理念的落后，是生产力性质的落后。大清帝国与欧洲先进国家在认识、眼界、气势上，已经不能相比。大清虽大，也只是囿于一隅，而那些被称作“蕞尔小国”的西方国家，早已经着眼于全世界了。
1840年鸦片战争，中国被打败，开始了屈辱的历史，从此也开始了民族复兴的历史，也就是开始了中国梦的历史。
（二）
在很长一个时期，中国人真是在做梦，找不到出路。毛泽东同志诗曰：长夜难明赤县天，百年魔怪舞翩跹。经过170多年的奋斗，现在是到了快要梦想成真的时候。习近平同志说：“我们比历史上任何时期都更接近中华民族伟大复兴的目标，比历史上任何时期都更有信心、有能力实现这个目标。”
那么，从“长夜难明”到“梦想成真”，是怎样的一个过程呢？回顾近代以来的历史，可以看得很清楚。孙中山先生提出了“振兴中华”的口号，推翻了满清王朝，作出了重大贡献，但是没有找到民族复兴的出路。是中国共产党成立以后，领导人民经过不懈奋斗，才逐步使这个梦想成为现实。
这个过程，可以概括为“两个百年”、“两重任务”。
所谓“两个百年”，就是实现中国梦的两个历史阶段。第一个百年，从1840年鸦片战争到1949年新中国成立。这个百年，是从无路可走，到找到复兴之路，实现国家独立、民族解放的历史。这是民族复兴的第一个阶段。第二个百年，是从1949年新中国成立到这个世纪中叶，在新中国建立100年的时候，完成邓小平同志提出的我国现代化第三步发展战略目标，建成富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家，实现中华民族的伟大复兴。现在，我们就是处于完成第二个百年任务的阶段。
这两个100年，最早是毛泽东同志说的。关于第一个百年，他在《新民主主义论》中就讲到了。第二个百年，是他在1961年接见英国元帅蒙哥马利时讲的。他说：“在我国，要建设起强大的社会主义经济，我估计要花一百多年。”他还讲过：“要赶上和超过世界上最先进的资本主义国家，没有一百多年的时间，我看是不行的。”后来邓小平同志按照这个思想，提出了到21世纪中叶的“三步走”发展战略，使实现中国梦第二个百年的目标具体化、明确化了。他说，第一步是在20世纪80年代实现温饱，第二步是在20世纪90年代实现小康，第三步是再用50年时间，到下个世纪中叶基本实现现代化。后来，在第一步和第二步目标完成的情况下，我们党把第三步目标进一步具体化，提出了新三步走战略。即在新世纪的第一个十年里国民生产总值翻一番，在第二个十年里再翻一番，全面建成小康社会，然后向着本世纪中叶的伟大目标前进。
“两个百年”说明，实现中国梦是一个长期奋斗、接续奋斗的历史过程。我们党一直是执着地向着这个目标努力的。党的十八大报告提出的全面建成小康社会的目标，就是按照这个“梦”设计的。
十八大报告也讲了两个百年，即建党100年和新中国建立100年。这和上面说的“两个百年”不矛盾。第二个百年是一样的，第一个百年有交叉。十八大报告讲建党100年的目标，是强调现阶段我们的任务是在2020年全面建成小康社会。这是在实现中国梦的过程中一个具有重大意义的阶段性目标，是我们现在正在干的事情。同时，从建党说起，也表达了一个更深刻的含义，就是只有在中国共产党成立以后，才使中国梦的实现有了可能。一个是建党，一个是新中国建立，这是实现中国梦的两个关键历史节点。
那么，“两重任务”指什么呢？就是说，实现民族复兴是一个任务，但对我们党来讲，还有一个任务，就是搞社会主义，建设中国特色社会主义。
这“两重任务”是密切相关的。我们知道，在19世纪中叶，世界上发生了两件大事，一个是1840年鸦片战争，一个是1848年《共产党宣言》发表，马克思主义诞生。这两件事情当时看起来似乎没有什么关系，但是对中国后来的发展则是紧密相联的。鸦片战争使中国沦为半殖民地，由此提出了民族复兴的任务，而马克思主义则给我们指出了实现民族复兴的正确道路。我们党在马克思主义指导下，先是通过新民主主义革命完成了国家独立、民族解放的任务，然后又通过搞社会主义革命和建设来完成现代化的任务。历史证明，救中国和发展中国都要靠马克思主义，靠中国化的马克思主义。所以，实现民族复兴是我们的梦，建设社会主义最终实现共产主义也是我们的梦。这二者是不可分割的，实际上是一个梦。对于共产党员来说，特别不能忘记搞社会主义这个任务，这是我们的崇高理想。
习近平同志在讲中国梦的时候强调，实现中国梦必须走中国道路，即走中国特色社会主义道路。他说，中国特色社会主义“凝结着实现中华民族伟大复兴这个近代以来中华民族最根本的梦想”。这句话说明，中国梦要落到中国道路上，只有把这条路走好，才能使这一梦想最终成为伟大而光辉的现实。
（三）
中国梦是国家民族的梦，也是每个中国人的梦，归根到底是人民的梦。中国梦、中国道路最终都要落到老百姓的幸福生活上。这是习近平同志特别强调的。他说，“实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦，就是要实现国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福。”
中国梦不仅仅是理想、是目标，也是现实，反映在每个中国人的生活中。中国梦的实现，要体现在解决老百姓关心的一件一件具体事情上。只有这样，才能使人民群众感受到这个梦的好处，是真实的、可以实现的，感觉到这个梦和他们有关系，愿意为实现这个梦而付出、去奋斗。由此，这个梦也才能真正成为凝聚人民、激励人民的一个实实在在的奋斗目标。邓小平同志当初之所以要用“小康”这个概念来表述我们的目标，党的十八大提出全面建成小康社会，使每个老百姓都过上更加富裕、更高水平的小康生活，正是基于这个认识。
每一个人心中都有一个梦，都有追求幸福生活、享受幸福生活的权利。老百姓的梦是什么？习近平同志在当选中共中央总书记后的第一次讲话中就说到这个问题。他说：“我们的人民热爱生活，期盼有更好的教育、更稳定的工作、更满意的收入、更可靠的社会保障、更高水平的医疗卫生服务、更舒适的居住条件、更优美的环境，期盼孩子们能成长得更好、工作得更好、生活得更好。”这些话说得多么实在、具体、亲切。
共同富裕，公平正义，民主法治，自由平等，清正廉洁，诚信友善，文明和谐，天蓝水净，世界和平……十八大报告在这些方面提出的新目标新要求，都反映了老百姓的愿望。
实现中国梦，就是实现老百姓的梦。“人民对美好生活的向往，就是我们的奋斗目标。”习近平同志给我们提出了明确的要求：“必须不断为人民造福”，使人民“共同享有人生出彩的机会，共同享有梦想成真的机会，共同享有同祖国和时代一起成长与进步的机会”。我们要把对中国梦的追求转化为做好每一项工作的动力，必须继续谦虚谨慎、兢兢业业，不能有丝毫自满，不能有丝毫懈怠；必须脚踏实地，再接再厉，一往无前，继续把中国特色社会主义事业推向前进，继续为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。
实现中国梦，创造全体人民更加美好的生活，任重而道远，需要坚韧不拔的精神，需要众志成城的力量，需要我们每一个人的艰苦努力。人世间的一切幸福，都要靠辛勤的劳动来创造。我们要心往一处想，劲往一处使，用13亿人的智慧和力量，汇集起不可战胜的磅礴力量。这就是中国精神，这就是中国力量，是中国各族人民大团结的力量。有了这种精神和力量，什么困难都能克服。中华民族在追求中国梦的历史进程中，经过了一代又一代人的努力，付出了千百万人的生命，已经创造了无数的辉煌，正在一步一步地接近我们的宏伟目标，我们要继续为之奋斗。中国梦不再是梦，而是中国人民更加幸福美好的现实生活。
中国早已告别了屈辱的历史，中华民族早已自立于世界民族之林，中国人在世界上早已有了尊严。但是，要使中国变得更加富强、更加文明，中国人更受尊重，中华民族为世界和平发展与人类进步作出更大贡献，我们还需要加倍努力。两个百年的中国梦，第一个百年的任务我们已经完成，第二个百年也已行程过半。行百里者半九十，为山九仞不能功亏一篑。历史的重任落在我们这一代人身上。每一个共产党人，每一个中国人，都应该意识到自己身上的责任，为国家、为民族、为家庭、为孩子们脚踏实地作出自己应有的一份贡献。
冷溶 - 中央文献研究室主任
内容提要
□1840年鸦片战争后，中国逐渐沦为半殖民地，开始了屈辱的历史，从此也开始了民族复兴的历史，也就是开始了中国梦的历史。
□回顾近代以来的历史，可以看得很清楚。孙中山先生提出了“振兴中华”的口号并为之努力，但是没有找到出路。是中国共产党成立以后，领导人民经过不懈奋斗，才逐步使这个梦想成为现实。这个过程，可以概括为“两个百年”、“两重任务”。
□中国梦不仅仅是理想、是目标，也是现实，反映在每个中国人的生活中。实现中国梦，就是实现老百姓的梦。“人民对美好生活的向往，就是我们的奋斗目标。”
□实现中国梦，创造全体人民更加美好的生活，任重而道远，需要坚韧不拔的精神，需要众志成城的力量，需要我们每一个人的艰苦努力。人世间的一切幸福，都要靠辛勤的劳动来创造。
习近平同志在参观“复兴之路”展览时，提出了实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦。他在十二届全国人大一次会议上的讲话中系统阐发了这个思想，在出访俄罗斯、非洲国家和出席亚洲博鳌论坛等讲话中又进一步作了论述。现在，不但中国，而且全世界都在关注中国梦这个词，希望从中国梦中获益。正如习近平同志所说，我们要实现的中国梦，不仅造福中国人民，而且造福世界各国人民。
中国梦，反映了中国人民包括海外同胞、全世界华人的共同心声、共同愿景、共同意志，是凝聚全党和全国人民的最大共识，极大地激发了中国人民发展国家、振兴民族的热情。
中国梦是怎么来的，它的涵义是什么呢？
（一）
“振兴中华”这句话，最早是孙中山先生提出来的。他在1894年兴中会成立章程中写道：“是会之设，专为振兴中华”。我们党成立以后，承担起领导人民振兴中华的神圣使命。毛泽东、邓小平、江泽民、胡锦涛同志都对民族复兴作了大量论述。改革开放初期，“团结起来，振兴中华”这个口号，是最响亮的一句话。周恩来同志的“为中华崛起而读书”，为人们所熟知，一直是青年学子奋发向上的励志警句。
中国梦，民族复兴，为什么能够凝聚中国人民，凝聚中华民族？
外国人往往不理解中国为什么会发展得这么快，中国人搞发展的劲头为什么这么大。这首先要看看中国的历史。中国在历史上曾经很辉煌，而近代以来又很悲惨，受尽屈辱，这个反差太大了。习近平同志说，每一个中国人想起那段历史都会感到心痛。所以，中国人总有那么一股民族复兴的心结和劲头，这是一种精神动力。实现中国梦必须要有中国精神，一个重要的精神力量就是爱国主义。每个人的命运与国家民族的强盛息息相关。用中国梦来凝聚人民、激励人民，非常准确，非常有力量。
中国历史上的辉煌时期，首推汉唐。汉朝距今已有2000多年，现在世界上还把中国的语言文字称作汉语，把中国学称作汉学，可见它的影响。在唐朝的时候，发展得最好的时期，是又强大又可亲的形象。强大而可亲，这是毛泽东同志说过的话，是治国的理想境界。当时是时清海宴、文怀远人、和睦万邦的景象。
中国的衰落，是在明朝中叶以后。邓小平同志讲过这段历史。他说：“如果从明朝中叶算起，到鸦片战争，有三百多年的闭关自守，如果从康熙算起，也有近二百年。长期闭关自守，把中国搞得贫穷落后，愚昧无知。”明朝中叶大约是在1500年前后的时候。1449年发生土木之变，明英宗被瓦剌军俘虏，被认为是明朝由盛转衰的转折点。历史学家黄仁宇写的《万历十五年》这本书，也描绘了明朝衰落的情景。他从大历史观的角度认为，这不但是明朝的转折时期，也是中华民族的转折时期。当时西方已经过文艺复兴，资本主义生产力和生产关系发展起来了。特别是1492年哥伦布发现新大陆后，开始资本主义全球化进程，西方世界发展速度加快。马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中讲了这个历史。这正是在明朝中叶的时候。斯塔夫里阿诺斯在他著名的《世界通史》里，把世界史划分为1500年以前的历史和1500年以后的历史，也说明这是个重要历史转折时期。明朝初年郑和下西洋，比哥伦布早了近100年，但是二者的目的和理念完全不同。这样，中国就开始落后了。
到了清朝康熙时期，国家看起来还很强大，但实际上是落日的辉煌。当时，英国已经过光荣革命，跑在了最前面。法国经过宗教改革，开始了启蒙运动。原本落后的俄国也在1698年开始改革，赶上了世界发展潮流。恩格斯称彼得大帝是“真正的伟人”，能够顺时而变。而清朝却不了解世界的变化，以为自己很强大，思想僵化保守。康熙也喜欢西学，但不是作为强国之道学的，他不理解其中的新思想，固守自己那套旧的东西，认为西方的东西不过是奇技淫巧。中国当时的落后，并非国力不行，而是理念的落后，是生产力性质的落后。大清帝国与欧洲先进国家在认识、眼界、气势上，已经不能相比。大清虽大，也只是囿于一隅，而那些被称作“蕞尔小国”的西方国家，早已经着眼于全世界了。
1840年鸦片战争，中国被打败，开始了屈辱的历史，从此也开始了民族复兴的历史，也就是开始了中国梦的历史。
（二）
在很长一个时期，中国人真是在做梦，找不到出路。毛泽东同志诗曰：长夜难明赤县天，百年魔怪舞翩跹。经过170多年的奋斗，现在是到了快要梦想成真的时候。习近平同志说：“我们比历史上任何时期都更接近中华民族伟大复兴的目标，比历史上任何时期都更有信心、有能力实现这个目标。”
那么，从“长夜难明”到“梦想成真”，是怎样的一个过程呢？回顾近代以来的历史，可以看得很清楚。孙中山先生提出了“振兴中华”的口号，推翻了满清王朝，作出了重大贡献，但是没有找到民族复兴的出路。是中国共产党成立以后，领导人民经过不懈奋斗，才逐步使这个梦想成为现实。
这个过程，可以概括为“两个百年”、“两重任务”。
所谓“两个百年”，就是实现中国梦的两个历史阶段。第一个百年，从1840年鸦片战争到1949年新中国成立。这个百年，是从无路可走，到找到复兴之路，实现国家独立、民族解放的历史。这是民族复兴的第一个阶段。第二个百年，是从1949年新中国成立到这个世纪中叶，在新中国建立100年的时候，完成邓小平同志提出的我国现代化第三步发展战略目标，建成富强民主文明和谐的社会主义现代化国家，实现中华民族的伟大复兴。现在，我们就是处于完成第二个百年任务的阶段。
这两个100年，最早是毛泽东同志说的。关于第一个百年，他在《新民主主义论》中就讲到了。第二个百年，是他在1961年接见英国元帅蒙哥马利时讲的。他说：“在我国，要建设起强大的社会主义经济，我估计要花一百多年。”他还讲过：“要赶上和超过世界上最先进的资本主义国家，没有一百多年的时间，我看是不行的。”后来邓小平同志按照这个思想，提出了到21世纪中叶的“三步走”发展战略，使实现中国梦第二个百年的目标具体化、明确化了。他说，第一步是在20世纪80年代实现温饱，第二步是在20世纪90年代实现小康，第三步是再用50年时间，到下个世纪中叶基本实现现代化。后来，在第一步和第二步目标完成的情况下，我们党把第三步目标进一步具体化，提出了新三步走战略。即在新世纪的第一个十年里国民生产总值翻一番，在第二个十年里再翻一番，全面建成小康社会，然后向着本世纪中叶的伟大目标前进。
“两个百年”说明，实现中国梦是一个长期奋斗、接续奋斗的历史过程。我们党一直是执着地向着这个目标努力的。党的十八大报告提出的全面建成小康社会的目标，就是按照这个“梦”设计的。
十八大报告也讲了两个百年，即建党100年和新中国建立100年。这和上面说的“两个百年”不矛盾。第二个百年是一样的，第一个百年有交叉。十八大报告讲建党100年的目标，是强调现阶段我们的任务是在2020年全面建成小康社会。这是在实现中国梦的过程中一个具有重大意义的阶段性目标，是我们现在正在干的事情。同时，从建党说起，也表达了一个更深刻的含义，就是只有在中国共产党成立以后，才使中国梦的实现有了可能。一个是建党，一个是新中国建立，这是实现中国梦的两个关键历史节点。
那么，“两重任务”指什么呢？就是说，实现民族复兴是一个任务，但对我们党来讲，还有一个任务，就是搞社会主义，建设中国特色社会主义。
这“两重任务”是密切相关的。我们知道，在19世纪中叶，世界上发生了两件大事，一个是1840年鸦片战争，一个是1848年《共产党宣言》发表，马克思主义诞生。这两件事情当时看起来似乎没有什么关系，但是对中国后来的发展则是紧密相联的。鸦片战争使中国沦为半殖民地，由此提出了民族复兴的任务，而马克思主义则给我们指出了实现民族复兴的正确道路。我们党在马克思主义指导下，先是通过新民主主义革命完成了国家独立、民族解放的任务，然后又通过搞社会主义革命和建设来完成现代化的任务。历史证明，救中国和发展中国都要靠马克思主义，靠中国化的马克思主义。所以，实现民族复兴是我们的梦，建设社会主义最终实现共产主义也是我们的梦。这二者是不可分割的，实际上是一个梦。对于共产党员来说，特别不能忘记搞社会主义这个任务，这是我们的崇高理想。
习近平同志在讲中国梦的时候强调，实现中国梦必须走中国道路，即走中国特色社会主义道路。他说，中国特色社会主义“凝结着实现中华民族伟大复兴这个近代以来中华民族最根本的梦想”。这句话说明，中国梦要落到中国道路上，只有把这条路走好，才能使这一梦想最终成为伟大而光辉的现实。
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中国梦是国家民族的梦，也是每个中国人的梦，归根到底是人民的梦。中国梦、中国道路最终都要落到老百姓的幸福生活上。这是习近平同志特别强调的。他说，“实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦，就是要实现国家富强、民族振兴、人民幸福。”
中国梦不仅仅是理想、是目标，也是现实，反映在每个中国人的生活中。中国梦的实现，要体现在解决老百姓关心的一件一件具体事情上。只有这样，才能使人民群众感受到这个梦的好处，是真实的、可以实现的，感觉到这个梦和他们有关系，愿意为实现这个梦而付出、去奋斗。由此，这个梦也才能真正成为凝聚人民、激励人民的一个实实在在的奋斗目标。邓小平同志当初之所以要用“小康”这个概念来表述我们的目标，党的十八大提出全面建成小康社会，使每个老百姓都过上更加富裕、更高水平的小康生活，正是基于这个认识。
每一个人心中都有一个梦，都有追求幸福生活、享受幸福生活的权利。老百姓的梦是什么？习近平同志在当选中共中央总书记后的第一次讲话中就说到这个问题。他说：“我们的人民热爱生活，期盼有更好的教育、更稳定的工作、更满意的收入、更可靠的社会保障、更高水平的医疗卫生服务、更舒适的居住条件、更优美的环境，期盼孩子们能成长得更好、工作得更好、生活得更好。”这些话说得多么实在、具体、亲切。
共同富裕，公平正义，民主法治，自由平等，清正廉洁，诚信友善，文明和谐，天蓝水净，世界和平……十八大报告在这些方面提出的新目标新要求，都反映了老百姓的愿望。
实现中国梦，就是实现老百姓的梦。“人民对美好生活的向往，就是我们的奋斗目标。”习近平同志给我们提出了明确的要求：“必须不断为人民造福”，使人民“共同享有人生出彩的机会，共同享有梦想成真的机会，共同享有同祖国和时代一起成长与进步的机会”。我们要把对中国梦的追求转化为做好每一项工作的动力，必须继续谦虚谨慎、兢兢业业，不能有丝毫自满，不能有丝毫懈怠；必须脚踏实地，再接再厉，一往无前，继续把中国特色社会主义事业推向前进，继续为实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而努力奋斗。
实现中国梦，创造全体人民更加美好的生活，任重而道远，需要坚韧不拔的精神，需要众志成城的力量，需要我们每一个人的艰苦努力。人世间的一切幸福，都要靠辛勤的劳动来创造。我们要心往一处想，劲往一处使，用13亿人的智慧和力量，汇集起不可战胜的磅礴力量。这就是中国精神，这就是中国力量，是中国各族人民大团结的力量。有了这种精神和力量，什么困难都能克服。中华民族在追求中国梦的历史进程中，经过了一代又一代人的努力，付出了千百万人的生命，已经创造了无数的辉煌，正在一步一步地接近我们的宏伟目标，我们要继续为之奋斗。中国梦不再是梦，而是中国人民更加幸福美好的现实生活。
中国早已告别了屈辱的历史，中华民族早已自立于世界民族之林，中国人在世界上早已有了尊严。但是，要使中国变得更加富强、更加文明，中国人更受尊重，中华民族为世界和平发展与人类进步作出更大贡献，我们还需要加倍努力。两个百年的中国梦，第一个百年的任务我们已经完成，第二个百年也已行程过半。行百里者半九十，为山九仞不能功亏一篑。历史的重任落在我们这一代人身上。每一个共产党人，每一个中国人，都应该意识到自己身上的责任，为国家、为民族、为家庭、为孩子们脚踏实地作出自己应有的一份贡献。
zhonghua mingzu is great. LHL should have seized today's great opportunity for singapore to join them too.
Where to buy?
the cat is out of the bag. xi claims the south china sea is prc's territory.
http://edition.cnn.com/2015/11/07/china/south-china-sea-xi-jinping-comments/index.html?eref=edition
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When is Xi going to declare Malaysia as PRC's territory?
the last time, their leaders Chiang and Mao met in Chongqing 1945, the civil war escalated.
they should refer to each other as bandit just like the old days, bandit Xi and bandit Ma.
The communists was bandits here too, have we forgotten?? the late old fart 'loved them'...
