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http://www.todayonline.com/Singapore/EDC110121-0000166/The-road-to-the-Istana
The road to the Istana
Important that Singaporeans get more time to know candidates aspiring to be their head of state
by Eugene K B Tan 05:55 AM Jan 21, 2011
Much of the focus thus far in Singapore's political arena has been on the upcoming 11th General Election, which is likely to be called in the months after Parliament approves the Budget for the new financial year.
But there is another major election slowly but surely creeping up on us. This is Singapore's fourth Presidential Election, which is due to take place sometime between June and August this year.
Before November 1991, the President had a largely ceremonial role as the head of state. He had very limited discretionary power, acting mostly on the advice of the Cabinet.
Earlier in January 1991, the Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the President by Singaporeans. That marked the culmination of a series of constitutional changes that began in the '80s.
Between 1984 and 1991, the Non-Constituency Member of Parliament, Nominated MP, Group Representation Constituencies, and the Elected President (EP) were introduced as part of the concerted evolution towards a homegrown political system that catered to Singapore's specific political circumstances and needs.
The EP has two key custodial functions: Protecting Singapore's financial assets, and safeguarding the integrity of Singapore's public service.
Whether it be drawing down our national reserves or the appointment of key office holders (such as the Chief Justice), the concurrence of the President is necessary. Although designed as an attempt to protect Singapore from an irresponsible or corrupt government, the EP is not a competing or countervailing source of political power. Unlike his American or French counterparts, he has no executive powers. He functions as a check but not a guarantee against poor governance.
President S R Nathan has not yet indicated unequivocally whether he will seek re-election when his second term of office ends on Aug 31 this year. He will be 87 by the end of his term, and Singapore's longest-serving President.
Given that the EP is not subject to any term limits, should President Nathan seek re-election, it would be reasonable to ask if his health would see him through a third term that would take him to 2017. Given the President's vanguard role as a defender of the Constitution, the Government acknowledged in 1999 that the health of the President "is a matter of state as it can affect the proper functioning of a key institution in our political system".
Although the Presidential Election is just around the corner, Singaporeans still do not know who the candidates are for Singapore's top office. Will we only get to know when the electoral process is formally in motion?
In 2005, former civil servant Andrew Kuan was subjected to intense public scrutiny, particularly by his former employers, even before he sought a certificate of eligibility.
As a result, presidential aspirants may prefer to wait until just before they need to apply for a certificate of eligibility from the Presidential Elections Committee - shortly after the writ of elections is issued - before announcing their bid.
But should Singaporeans have to wait that long before they know the identity of the candidates putting themselves forward?
Our elections - parliamentary and presidential - are typically intensely short in duration. In 1993, 10 days separated the nomination and polling days in the first and only contested Presidential Election.
As a result of the high bar set for individuals wanting to be President, only two certificates of eligibility were issued in the first Presidential Election in 1993. There was only one each in the 1999 and 2005 elections.
Given the stringent requirements, potential candidates are often likely to be former ministers, prominent/retired civil servants, or successful corporate chiefs. Equally likely is that any eligible candidate would be someone familiar with, and to, the Establishment. This was the case with Presidents Ong Teng Cheong (a former Deputy Prime Minister) and Nathan (a former senior civil servant).
But remember that the Presidential Election is a valuable opportunity for Singaporeans to better appreciate and understand the central role played by the EP in our political system.
Notwithstanding their track records, two weeks is simply too short a time to learn more and assess a candidate's suitability as the chief custodian of our national reserves and public service. There should be less coyness, and candidates should declare their intentions well in advance of the commencement of the formal electoral process.
But, given the "walkover" in the past two Presidential Elections, will there even be a contest this time? A contest would go a long way towards educating Singaporeans about the importance of exercising their democratic choice responsibly. As it is, an EP elected by default has been described cynically as the "(s)elected President".
Will someone not identified with the Establishment step forward and seek election? Going by precedents, once a candidate is supported by the Establishment, other potential candidates (whether previously from the Establishment or not) are less keen to throw their hat into the ring. It is seen as a battle half-lost if they have to compete against someone who is supported by the Establishment.
While it is not for the Government to 'orchestrate' a contest; neither should it discourage a contest. Perhaps it should go even further, to encourage eligible Singaporeans to step forward and serve. It should studiously refrain from endorsing any candidate as well - even though there would be a natural assumption of endorsement if the candidate were a former Minister or the like.
That brings us to the question of whether the Presidency is, or ought to be, "rotated" among the races?
Thus far, all the major races have been represented. Singapore's first president was Yusof Ishak (1965-1970; 1959-1965 as Yang di-Pertuan Negara). Since then, we have had a Eurasian (Benjamin H Sheares, 1971-81), an Indian (Devan Nair, 1981-85) and two Chinese (Wee Kim Wee, 1985-93 and Ong Teng Cheong, 1993-99) before the incumbent S R Nathan (1999-to date). Notwithstanding the expectation within some quarters of the Malay community that it is time for a Malay President, I am not in favour of rotation among the races for the sake of rotation.
When we secured self-government in 1959 and in the throes of our independence in 1965, having a Malay head of state was a powerful symbol of inclusiveness and geopolitical nous.
Given our meritocratic ethos and the demands placed on the Elected President today, it is imperative that the best person gets elected - regardless of race.
And voters need ample time to know the candidates well and make up their minds.
Eugene KB Tan is assistant professor of law at the Singapore Management University School of Law.
The road to the Istana
Important that Singaporeans get more time to know candidates aspiring to be their head of state
by Eugene K B Tan 05:55 AM Jan 21, 2011
Much of the focus thus far in Singapore's political arena has been on the upcoming 11th General Election, which is likely to be called in the months after Parliament approves the Budget for the new financial year.
But there is another major election slowly but surely creeping up on us. This is Singapore's fourth Presidential Election, which is due to take place sometime between June and August this year.
Before November 1991, the President had a largely ceremonial role as the head of state. He had very limited discretionary power, acting mostly on the advice of the Cabinet.
Earlier in January 1991, the Constitution was amended to provide for the direct election of the President by Singaporeans. That marked the culmination of a series of constitutional changes that began in the '80s.
Between 1984 and 1991, the Non-Constituency Member of Parliament, Nominated MP, Group Representation Constituencies, and the Elected President (EP) were introduced as part of the concerted evolution towards a homegrown political system that catered to Singapore's specific political circumstances and needs.
The EP has two key custodial functions: Protecting Singapore's financial assets, and safeguarding the integrity of Singapore's public service.
Whether it be drawing down our national reserves or the appointment of key office holders (such as the Chief Justice), the concurrence of the President is necessary. Although designed as an attempt to protect Singapore from an irresponsible or corrupt government, the EP is not a competing or countervailing source of political power. Unlike his American or French counterparts, he has no executive powers. He functions as a check but not a guarantee against poor governance.
President S R Nathan has not yet indicated unequivocally whether he will seek re-election when his second term of office ends on Aug 31 this year. He will be 87 by the end of his term, and Singapore's longest-serving President.
Given that the EP is not subject to any term limits, should President Nathan seek re-election, it would be reasonable to ask if his health would see him through a third term that would take him to 2017. Given the President's vanguard role as a defender of the Constitution, the Government acknowledged in 1999 that the health of the President "is a matter of state as it can affect the proper functioning of a key institution in our political system".
Although the Presidential Election is just around the corner, Singaporeans still do not know who the candidates are for Singapore's top office. Will we only get to know when the electoral process is formally in motion?
In 2005, former civil servant Andrew Kuan was subjected to intense public scrutiny, particularly by his former employers, even before he sought a certificate of eligibility.
As a result, presidential aspirants may prefer to wait until just before they need to apply for a certificate of eligibility from the Presidential Elections Committee - shortly after the writ of elections is issued - before announcing their bid.
But should Singaporeans have to wait that long before they know the identity of the candidates putting themselves forward?
Our elections - parliamentary and presidential - are typically intensely short in duration. In 1993, 10 days separated the nomination and polling days in the first and only contested Presidential Election.
As a result of the high bar set for individuals wanting to be President, only two certificates of eligibility were issued in the first Presidential Election in 1993. There was only one each in the 1999 and 2005 elections.
Given the stringent requirements, potential candidates are often likely to be former ministers, prominent/retired civil servants, or successful corporate chiefs. Equally likely is that any eligible candidate would be someone familiar with, and to, the Establishment. This was the case with Presidents Ong Teng Cheong (a former Deputy Prime Minister) and Nathan (a former senior civil servant).
But remember that the Presidential Election is a valuable opportunity for Singaporeans to better appreciate and understand the central role played by the EP in our political system.
Notwithstanding their track records, two weeks is simply too short a time to learn more and assess a candidate's suitability as the chief custodian of our national reserves and public service. There should be less coyness, and candidates should declare their intentions well in advance of the commencement of the formal electoral process.
But, given the "walkover" in the past two Presidential Elections, will there even be a contest this time? A contest would go a long way towards educating Singaporeans about the importance of exercising their democratic choice responsibly. As it is, an EP elected by default has been described cynically as the "(s)elected President".
Will someone not identified with the Establishment step forward and seek election? Going by precedents, once a candidate is supported by the Establishment, other potential candidates (whether previously from the Establishment or not) are less keen to throw their hat into the ring. It is seen as a battle half-lost if they have to compete against someone who is supported by the Establishment.
While it is not for the Government to 'orchestrate' a contest; neither should it discourage a contest. Perhaps it should go even further, to encourage eligible Singaporeans to step forward and serve. It should studiously refrain from endorsing any candidate as well - even though there would be a natural assumption of endorsement if the candidate were a former Minister or the like.
That brings us to the question of whether the Presidency is, or ought to be, "rotated" among the races?
Thus far, all the major races have been represented. Singapore's first president was Yusof Ishak (1965-1970; 1959-1965 as Yang di-Pertuan Negara). Since then, we have had a Eurasian (Benjamin H Sheares, 1971-81), an Indian (Devan Nair, 1981-85) and two Chinese (Wee Kim Wee, 1985-93 and Ong Teng Cheong, 1993-99) before the incumbent S R Nathan (1999-to date). Notwithstanding the expectation within some quarters of the Malay community that it is time for a Malay President, I am not in favour of rotation among the races for the sake of rotation.
When we secured self-government in 1959 and in the throes of our independence in 1965, having a Malay head of state was a powerful symbol of inclusiveness and geopolitical nous.
Given our meritocratic ethos and the demands placed on the Elected President today, it is imperative that the best person gets elected - regardless of race.
And voters need ample time to know the candidates well and make up their minds.
Eugene KB Tan is assistant professor of law at the Singapore Management University School of Law.
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