The alarming cost of maintaining stability in China

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Updated Friday, October 15, 2010 10:08 am TWN, By Chris Buckley, Reuters

Cost of China's stability alarming

BEIJING -- The Chinese government's bid to maintain stability at all costs is creating a domestic security system so expensive that experts and officials say it is sapping funds needed elsewhere to sustain the country's economic health.

The ruling Communist Party's smothering of public support for Nobel Peace Prize winner and jailed dissident, Liu Xiaobo, is the latest example of the lengths, and costs, the authorities are willing to go to keep a lid on even minor events that might seem to threaten its hold on power.

China's total spending on domestic security reached 514 billion yuan (US$76.7 billion) in 2009, a whisker below the military budget of 532 billion yuan, a group of social researchers from the elite Tsinghua University in Beijing estimated in a report published earlier this year.

“Threats to social stability are constantly being side-stepped and postponed, but that is making social breakdown increasingly grave,” it said. “The current model of stability has reached the point where it cannot continue.”

Nicholas Bequelin, a researcher on China for Human Rights Watch, an international watchdog group called the resources devoted to stability “absolutely humongous.”

“There's a vicious circle that more security leads to more security,” he said by telephone.

China swaddles all its big meetings, events and sensitive dates with police and guards to scare off trouble-makers, extinguish protests and project power.

The massive security for the 2008 Olympics in Beijing has become a general template, and is on show for preparations for a Party leaders' meeting in Beijing from Friday.

How Much Longer?

The show of strength works for now. But many question how much longer it can be effective.

Chinese President Hu Jintao and Premier Wen Jiabao will use the Party meeting to hone a five-year economic development plan intended to cement their vows to build a “harmonious society” free of serious division and discontent.

And for the moment, China's formula of one-party rule and economic growth can ward off serious challenges from below, with the public still happy enough with its economic and social gains.

It is later, especially if growth and revenues flag, that worries some Chinese experts and officials.

Firm control of discontent has been a defining policy of China's government, especially since the pro-democracy protests of 1989 that ended in a bloody crackdown and Party patriarch Deng Xiaoping's demand that “stability comes before all else.”

Stuck to by successive leaders, that slogan has created an expensive illusion of solid order for which the country may one day pay heavily, the experts and officials said.

“This unyielding stability has already reached the point where it cannot be sustained, because it exacts a huge cost,” Yu Jianrong, a prominent expert on social unrest at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said in a recent lecture in Beijing.

“What may happen in China in the future is that there are more outbreaks of local turmoil,” he said.

Rapid Growth

Rapid economic growth over the past two decades has rekindled official worries that social flux and inequality could unsettle Party control.

President Hu chaired a meeting in late September that studied the social strains facing the country, state media reported at the time. He warned officials to be ready for a rough patch.

That means more spending on social welfare, healthcare and rural services in its next five-year plan starting from 2011, the official Xinhua news agency said on Wednesday.

Yet the government's single-minded demand for officials to snuff out symptoms of unrest is skewing resources and attention away from social needs and into playing cop to monitor and detain potential protesters, say officials and experts.

A study of 10 provinces and local governments showed outlays on domestic security rose faster than for schools, hospitals, and welfare, and often ate up a bigger share of budgets, the Social Sciences Weekly, a Shanghai paper, reported in May.

The focus on averting unrest is skewing officials' priorities, as well as budgets. Points systems are often used to weigh officials' promotion prospects based on the number of protests in their areas.

Some local governments demand grassroots officials deposit millions of yuan in “guarantees” every year, and money is taken from the fund if there are protests under their watch, a Chinese magazine, People's Tribune, reported last month.

“Many local government departments don't put themselves in the shoes of people in hardship and try to solve the fundamental problems at their root,” Feng Qingyu, a professor at the Chinese Academy of Administration, which trains rising government officials, wrote in a study published in April.

Rather, they worry about “how to increase and maintain security camera systems, how to increase uniformed police and plain clothes security staff,” wrote Feng.

http://www.chinapost.com.tw/commentary/reuters/2010/10/15/276235/Cost-of.htm
 
$76 Billion to provide law enforcement for a country with 1.3 Billion people with such a large land mass is peanuts. These people do not know what they are talking about.


State of California spends $8B a year to operate the prision system.

UK spends US$22B on their law enforcement with a pop of 61M.
 
$76 Billion to provide law enforcement for a country with 1.3 Billion people with such a large land mass is peanuts. These people do not know what they are talking about.


State of California spends $8B a year to operate the prision system.

UK spends US$22B on their law enforcement with a pop of 61M.

Oh yes, they do know what they are talking about.

California prison and correctional centers are systems to deal with
people convicted for crimes like murder, drugs, kidnapping to child
abuse, pedophiles, to serious offenses, all of which are detailed
in the various law statute books - laws debated and passed by
the people's elected representatives. The prisoners are guaranteed
basic rights, health, food and education,,so much so some Mexican
prisoners and Hispanics do not want to leave, when they get deported back
to their homeland. That explains the expenditure. People who protest against
the government, carry public banners, criticise the government, or belong to
the any political party are not the inmates of these prison systems.

It is not an expenditure whose sole purpose is designed to ensure the
government is in eternal power and the party is sustained as the supreme authority.


Now consider this:

The Chinese Domestic Security Department (国内安全保护支队) is a branch of the police force within the Ministry of Public Security, specializing in collecting intelligence, infiltrating and dealing with political dissidents, human rights activists, petitioners, religious groups as well as “subversive” activities in the cultural, educational and economics domains. It is a massive, secretive and omnipotent security apparatus within the giant police machine of the PRC. [Read more about the Domestic Security Department, or DSD, ]

The following internal document, a paper written by a local Domestic Security Officer from Shaoxing city, Zhejiang Province, was leaked into Chinese cyberspace recently, and reveals many details about how this secretive police force works day-to day at the local level to control Chinese society.

The original passage is excerpted from a book entitled Collected Essays on Domestic Security that is circulated internally within the Domestic Security Department (DSD).

I guess the difference should be clear as daylight between the US prison expenditures and the China internal security expenditures.
 
China Security Apparatus administrative guidelines.

E. Rely on specialized forces; strengthen specialized mechanisms

A unified effort requires that the mechanism for building, deploying, commanding and utilizing secret forces is continually strengthened.

As for building [secret forces], [we should] break free from the original framework of primarily relying upon grey regions; [we should] combine the use of economic incentives with personal feeling to establish a new kind of secret force that is highly educated, capable, and objectively demonstrates that they are willing to serve the DSD.

At the same time, in order to generally raise the police force’s ability to engage in hidden conflicts, and their ability to engage in specialized work, we have introduced a work requirement that “no matter what position you hold, everyone must build the secret forces.” In terms of development, we have continually extended our intelligence gathering apparatus into the Internet and other new media to build upon our foundation of focusing on people, events and areas of interest.

Starting in 2003, we tried building a secret Internet force. In terms of command and utilization, [we have] transformed the original passive model into a proactive model; we have gradually changed the practice of passively reacting to proactively striking.

This fulfills the requirement of key departments to “detect and ambush” and has proactively cultivated a new kind of multi-faceted secret force that can be utilized across lines.

Currently, more than 1200 administrative villages and more than 70 neighborhood residents’ committees in our city have established “creating security, preserving stability” small leadership groups. These small groups along with police mediation personnel, DSD intelligence personnel and the core “uplifting” personnel (referred to as “the three personnel”) extend the Public Security Bureau’s work of preserving social stability and the Public Security Bureau’s intelligence gathering apparatus out to the masses.

This corps was organized by the principle of “organize by proximity, one person from every village.” The corps not only effectively resolved the police station’s weaknesses of lacking sufficient foundational DSD police capability, incomplete ground-level supervision, holes in the control and supervision of people and events of interest, etc; it also further increased the breadth of the DSD’s intelligence gathering base and promoted the organic fusion of the work of specialized personnel with the work of the masses.

Currently, we are planning on gradually taking this model out to the countryside where the DSD’s workload is relatively heavy.
 
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