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Redbull313, you are in the US - Your response please.
Jan 16, 2009
Obama's stimulus plan - for China
By Hossein Askari and Noureddine Krichene
The United States has gone deeper into recession with the loss of 524,000 jobs in December, bringing to 2.6 million the total job loss for year, the largest annual total since World War II, and pushing the unemployment rate to 7.2% of the labor force.
The Congressional Budget Office is predicting a contraction of US real gross domestic product by 2.2% in 2009, unemployment to rise to 8.3%, and the US fiscal deficit, excluding president-elect Barack Obama's stimulus program, to widen to a record $1.2 trillion, or about 8.3% of GDP.
Obviously, the Troubled Assets Relief Program (TARP) has failed to deliver what Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson considered to be the best alternative for American families, forcefully convincing Congress that the monumental $700 billion plan would pull the economy out of recession. House speaker Nancy Pelosi's $165 billion stimulus package in 2008, a housing package of $300 billion, and massive bailouts (of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, insurer AIG, the auto industry and on and on) have failed to deliver the expected quick turnaround in the US economy.
Massive liquidity injections by the Fed - which pushed its assets to $2.2 trillion, pulled down interest rates to zero-bound and expanded money supply (M1) by 37% in 2008 - have only turned out to be self-defeating.
There is no explanation for this dismal performance and rising social cost of unemployment, except Fed chairman Ben Bernanke's aggressive policy, and that of Alan Greenspan before him, which has caused a collapse of the financial system and consequently a collapse of the stock market, with the Dow index falling from 14,164 on October 9, 2007 to 7,552 on November 20, 2008 for a decline of 47%.
Despite early warning signs since the breakout of the financial crisis in August 2007 in the form of a widespread credit freeze, exploding oil and food prices, food riots and energy protests, a depreciating dollar, and rising unemployment in the US, Bernanke has been adamantly determined to unleash an expansionary monetary policy to fight a recession that he was all along initiating.
He must believe in demand and credit policies to provide free money to those who do not earn it to spend and to kick-start aggregate demand. In doing so, he stalled the economy, triggered economic recession and financial chaos and inflicted excessive fiscal costs in the form of gigantic bailouts and falling taxes. US policymakers remain supportive of Bernanke's policy, despite the chaos it has been causing, seeing in it a magic way out of recession without any need for painful adjustment.
Policymakers always support unsustainable fiscal and monetary policies until the cost of these policies become overbearing and outweigh considerably the cost of adjustment.
Reminiscent of Paulson's approach, Obama has put out an urgent $1 trillion plan economic recovery aimed at creating 3.5 million new jobs. Like Paulson's TARP, the plan has as of now little detail and asks for immediate and unconditional approval by Congress, claiming, as Paulson previously did, that without this plan the sky would fall and the US economy would stand to loose another 4.5 million jobs.
Obama' message is his desire to put the jobless quickly back to work. The catchwords are infrastructure and tax rebate. In spite of its laudable objective, the authors of the vague plan, mostly Harvard economic professors, have failed to provide a diagnosis of the US economy and the underlying factors that brought it to this recessionary state. Without this diagnosis, policy recommendations have no foundation.
They failed to analyze why earlier massive stimulus programs combined with unorthodox monetary policy and negative real interest rates have not yet delivered the long-promised turnaround, or what makes their plan different from others. The most difficult aspect of the plan is the financing of a record-shattering fiscal deficit exceeding $2.2 trillion in 2009. Have Obama's big-name experts explored the alternative of reviving the US economy through curtailing the fiscal deficit instead of exacerbating it?
A much lower deficit could lead to faster economic recovery than monstrous unsustainable deficits. Without truly understanding John Maynard Keynes, much of the media and academics have called Obama's plan a triumph of Keynesians economics.
While a diagnosis and sectoral analysis of the US economy are either scanty or totally missing in the present rush to action, it behooves us to address some of the most pressing macroeconomic questions: could the US economy sustain any further a combination of unseen expansionary monetary and fiscal policies? How could a projected fiscal deficit, exceeding $2.2 trillion, or 16% of GDP, be financed? Could the US economy grow out of recession with the federal funds rate zero-bound? Are demand-led policies still valid for the US economy?
Empirically, no economy has been able to sustain an overburdening fiscal deficit without ending with unmanageable public debt, a depressed economy and financial disorder. Economic history is replete with examples of the disastrous consequences of excessive expansionary fiscal policies, which resulted in high or hyperinflation, falling real output and rising unemployment.
Because of strongly expansionary demand policies under the George W Bush administration, US national savings have become very low or even negative. Low savings invalidate a basic assumption for a Keynesian expansionary fiscal policy and make the financing of the deficit from real domestic savings unfeasible. The only sound financing option would be foreign financing, as in previous fiscal deficits.
On the one hand and under this assumption, the growth of the US fiscal deficit will have a negligible impact on US real GDP; it will only increase domestic consumption, and as experience in recent years has shown, it will end up stimulating through the classical multiplier effect the economies of China, Japan and commodity-producing countries. In other words, Obama's plan will end up creating 3.5 million jobs outside the US, and only few jobs domestically.
On the other hand, if foreign financing were discouraged by ridiculously low interest rates and fears of an expected further depreciation of the US dollar, the fiscal deficit would have to be financed through monetization. This scenario would be the most likely and the most detrimental. If it materializes, it will trigger inflationary dynamics that will be difficult to control, with a depreciating US dollar and a rapidly falling real economy. In brief, inflationary financing would be a catastrophic and a costly failure of Obama's plan. It would propel the economy into a stagflationary mode and push unemployment to much higher levels than the currently estimated high-end rate of 10-12%.
There is no doubt that the Obama administration is inheriting possibly the worst financial mess in US history resulting from the Bush administration's lax and disorderly financial policies. Populist economics, however, that replicate these policies for another four years would be very costly for the US economy.
Jan 16, 2009
Obama's stimulus plan - for China
By Hossein Askari and Noureddine Krichene
The United States has gone deeper into recession with the loss of 524,000 jobs in December, bringing to 2.6 million the total job loss for year, the largest annual total since World War II, and pushing the unemployment rate to 7.2% of the labor force.
The Congressional Budget Office is predicting a contraction of US real gross domestic product by 2.2% in 2009, unemployment to rise to 8.3%, and the US fiscal deficit, excluding president-elect Barack Obama's stimulus program, to widen to a record $1.2 trillion, or about 8.3% of GDP.
Obviously, the Troubled Assets Relief Program (TARP) has failed to deliver what Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson considered to be the best alternative for American families, forcefully convincing Congress that the monumental $700 billion plan would pull the economy out of recession. House speaker Nancy Pelosi's $165 billion stimulus package in 2008, a housing package of $300 billion, and massive bailouts (of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, insurer AIG, the auto industry and on and on) have failed to deliver the expected quick turnaround in the US economy.
Massive liquidity injections by the Fed - which pushed its assets to $2.2 trillion, pulled down interest rates to zero-bound and expanded money supply (M1) by 37% in 2008 - have only turned out to be self-defeating.
There is no explanation for this dismal performance and rising social cost of unemployment, except Fed chairman Ben Bernanke's aggressive policy, and that of Alan Greenspan before him, which has caused a collapse of the financial system and consequently a collapse of the stock market, with the Dow index falling from 14,164 on October 9, 2007 to 7,552 on November 20, 2008 for a decline of 47%.
Despite early warning signs since the breakout of the financial crisis in August 2007 in the form of a widespread credit freeze, exploding oil and food prices, food riots and energy protests, a depreciating dollar, and rising unemployment in the US, Bernanke has been adamantly determined to unleash an expansionary monetary policy to fight a recession that he was all along initiating.
He must believe in demand and credit policies to provide free money to those who do not earn it to spend and to kick-start aggregate demand. In doing so, he stalled the economy, triggered economic recession and financial chaos and inflicted excessive fiscal costs in the form of gigantic bailouts and falling taxes. US policymakers remain supportive of Bernanke's policy, despite the chaos it has been causing, seeing in it a magic way out of recession without any need for painful adjustment.
Policymakers always support unsustainable fiscal and monetary policies until the cost of these policies become overbearing and outweigh considerably the cost of adjustment.
Reminiscent of Paulson's approach, Obama has put out an urgent $1 trillion plan economic recovery aimed at creating 3.5 million new jobs. Like Paulson's TARP, the plan has as of now little detail and asks for immediate and unconditional approval by Congress, claiming, as Paulson previously did, that without this plan the sky would fall and the US economy would stand to loose another 4.5 million jobs.
Obama' message is his desire to put the jobless quickly back to work. The catchwords are infrastructure and tax rebate. In spite of its laudable objective, the authors of the vague plan, mostly Harvard economic professors, have failed to provide a diagnosis of the US economy and the underlying factors that brought it to this recessionary state. Without this diagnosis, policy recommendations have no foundation.
They failed to analyze why earlier massive stimulus programs combined with unorthodox monetary policy and negative real interest rates have not yet delivered the long-promised turnaround, or what makes their plan different from others. The most difficult aspect of the plan is the financing of a record-shattering fiscal deficit exceeding $2.2 trillion in 2009. Have Obama's big-name experts explored the alternative of reviving the US economy through curtailing the fiscal deficit instead of exacerbating it?
A much lower deficit could lead to faster economic recovery than monstrous unsustainable deficits. Without truly understanding John Maynard Keynes, much of the media and academics have called Obama's plan a triumph of Keynesians economics.
While a diagnosis and sectoral analysis of the US economy are either scanty or totally missing in the present rush to action, it behooves us to address some of the most pressing macroeconomic questions: could the US economy sustain any further a combination of unseen expansionary monetary and fiscal policies? How could a projected fiscal deficit, exceeding $2.2 trillion, or 16% of GDP, be financed? Could the US economy grow out of recession with the federal funds rate zero-bound? Are demand-led policies still valid for the US economy?
Empirically, no economy has been able to sustain an overburdening fiscal deficit without ending with unmanageable public debt, a depressed economy and financial disorder. Economic history is replete with examples of the disastrous consequences of excessive expansionary fiscal policies, which resulted in high or hyperinflation, falling real output and rising unemployment.
Because of strongly expansionary demand policies under the George W Bush administration, US national savings have become very low or even negative. Low savings invalidate a basic assumption for a Keynesian expansionary fiscal policy and make the financing of the deficit from real domestic savings unfeasible. The only sound financing option would be foreign financing, as in previous fiscal deficits.
On the one hand and under this assumption, the growth of the US fiscal deficit will have a negligible impact on US real GDP; it will only increase domestic consumption, and as experience in recent years has shown, it will end up stimulating through the classical multiplier effect the economies of China, Japan and commodity-producing countries. In other words, Obama's plan will end up creating 3.5 million jobs outside the US, and only few jobs domestically.
On the other hand, if foreign financing were discouraged by ridiculously low interest rates and fears of an expected further depreciation of the US dollar, the fiscal deficit would have to be financed through monetization. This scenario would be the most likely and the most detrimental. If it materializes, it will trigger inflationary dynamics that will be difficult to control, with a depreciating US dollar and a rapidly falling real economy. In brief, inflationary financing would be a catastrophic and a costly failure of Obama's plan. It would propel the economy into a stagflationary mode and push unemployment to much higher levels than the currently estimated high-end rate of 10-12%.
There is no doubt that the Obama administration is inheriting possibly the worst financial mess in US history resulting from the Bush administration's lax and disorderly financial policies. Populist economics, however, that replicate these policies for another four years would be very costly for the US economy.