Most powerful woman in Singapore! Maybe even most powerful person in Singapore!
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Serious Lee Wei Ling & Lee Hsien Yang condemns Lee Hsien Loong
- Thread starter Froggy
- Start date
Most powerful woman in Singapore! Maybe even most powerful person in Singapore!
tis 1 got fresh edit made by ah yang ......
From.another forum...
who's this guy….seems like a typical john doe name…..you'd have to be nuts to post this without proof…or unless you have a damn good vpn.
very precisely articulated…almost similar lingo as lhy….hmmmmm…..lol.
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She is the first daughter in law, ranking next to her mother in law. She did not sneak into the house, the guards let her in as she is a member of the family unless you say your daughter in law is not part of your family. I believe she acted on instruction from LHL.
heard the girl is overseas, waiting it out…..willing to bet she's got the real dynamite stuff on her person.
One of the direct articles today:
http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2017/06/22/dynastic-demolition-in-singapore/
Dynastic demolition in Singapore?
22 June 2017
Author: Michael D. Barr, Flinders University
An extraordinary dispute within Singapore’s ruling family broke into the open on 14 June. Lee Wei Ling and Lee Hsien Yang — the two younger children of the late Lee Kuan Yew — posted a message on Facebook accusing their elder brother, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, of subverting their father’s last will and testament by avoiding the demolition of the family home.
More seriously for the public interest, they accused Lee Hsien Loong of abusing his position to achieve this end and of trying to engineer a dynastic succession whereby his son Li Hongyi would enter politics as a third generation of Lees. They are particularly concerned that Hsien Loong’s personal solicitor possessed and was using documents that had been made available only to the National Heritage Board for the purposes of organising a commemorative display.
Protesters burn pictures of Singapore's first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew and his son and current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong outside the Singapore Consulate in Hong Kong, China, 5 July 2015 (Photo: Reuters/Tyrone Siu).
As a result of this episode, the Lee siblings have discovered to their horror that there are no checks and balances on the power of the prime minister and that the Singaporean press is meek and timid. They seem to think that they are the first to have noticed this. So fearful are the Lee siblings of their elder brother that Lee Hsien Yang has announced his intention to flee the country.
The third generation of Lees are now involved as well. Lee Hsien Loong’s son, Li Hongyi, says he never wanted to enter politics anyway, despite his ambition being an open secret. Lee Hsien Yang’s son Li Shengwu claimed ‘Not only do I intend never to go into politics, I believe that it would be bad for Singapore if any third-generation Lee went into politics. The country must be bigger than one family’.
It is difficult to judge what is most significant in this episode. Insofar as long-term consequences for the governance and future of Singapore, there is substantial damage to the Lee brand — and by consequence, the Singapore brand. Lee Wei Ling, Lee Hsien Yang and Li Shengwu do not want power for themselves, but they do want to delegitimise Lee Hsien Loong’s rule during his final 5–10 years in office and to spoil Li Hongyi’s entry into politics. His ambition is their ultimate target.
Their Facebook post was the first occasion on which there had been any word of Li Hongyi’s ambition from within the ruling elite — and it came in the form of a denunciation of dynastic ambition. In a country that brands itself as a meritocracy, such a suggestion is poisonous and — if made by anyone outside the family — would have resulted in legal action.
Furthermore, the news was delivered in such a way that it left Li Hongyi tainted by association with his father rather than his grandfather. Rightly or wrongly, the Lee Kuan Yew brand commands an extraordinarily high level of political capital — both domestically and internationally — because it is inextricably linked with the Singapore success story. No one who watched his funeral, Singapore’s 50th anniversary celebrations or the 2015 General Elections can doubt the power of his image — which, coincidentally, the Singapore government now regulates.
Instead of adding to the Lee family brand over the last 13 years, Lee Hsien Loong has been spending the social and political capital he inherited. Lee Hsien Loong’s personal brand is associated with his several apologies to the nation in 2011–13 for things going wrong in Singapore, as well as with the electoral setbacks of 2011. He clawed back ground in the 2015 General Elections only by capitalising on his father’s image at every turn. Now it seems the Lee Hsien Loong brand is also going to be associated with a nasty family dispute and the perception that he is trying to manoeuvre his son into power.
Hence, Li Hongyi now has a formidable task before him if he is to pursue a career in politics. He needs to build on his association with his grandfather while distancing himself from his father — but presumably while relying on his father to provide him the entrée into the halls of power.
This is not impossible. During his time in the Army, he carefully constructed an image for himself as a gadfly who defied protocol to criticise his betters and bring about reform. But doing the same thing to his father — while simultaneously relying on his father’s patronage and protection — would be very tricky indeed. He might find it more attractive to just enter the corporate sector and make a fortune. If he does, then history will be looking at the events of the last week as the turning point at which the fate of the Lee dynasty was decided.
Michael Barr is Associate Professor at the School of History and International Relations, Flinders University.
http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2017/06/22/dynastic-demolition-in-singapore/
Dynastic demolition in Singapore?
22 June 2017
Author: Michael D. Barr, Flinders University
An extraordinary dispute within Singapore’s ruling family broke into the open on 14 June. Lee Wei Ling and Lee Hsien Yang — the two younger children of the late Lee Kuan Yew — posted a message on Facebook accusing their elder brother, Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, of subverting their father’s last will and testament by avoiding the demolition of the family home.
More seriously for the public interest, they accused Lee Hsien Loong of abusing his position to achieve this end and of trying to engineer a dynastic succession whereby his son Li Hongyi would enter politics as a third generation of Lees. They are particularly concerned that Hsien Loong’s personal solicitor possessed and was using documents that had been made available only to the National Heritage Board for the purposes of organising a commemorative display.
Protesters burn pictures of Singapore's first Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew and his son and current Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong outside the Singapore Consulate in Hong Kong, China, 5 July 2015 (Photo: Reuters/Tyrone Siu).
As a result of this episode, the Lee siblings have discovered to their horror that there are no checks and balances on the power of the prime minister and that the Singaporean press is meek and timid. They seem to think that they are the first to have noticed this. So fearful are the Lee siblings of their elder brother that Lee Hsien Yang has announced his intention to flee the country.
The third generation of Lees are now involved as well. Lee Hsien Loong’s son, Li Hongyi, says he never wanted to enter politics anyway, despite his ambition being an open secret. Lee Hsien Yang’s son Li Shengwu claimed ‘Not only do I intend never to go into politics, I believe that it would be bad for Singapore if any third-generation Lee went into politics. The country must be bigger than one family’.
It is difficult to judge what is most significant in this episode. Insofar as long-term consequences for the governance and future of Singapore, there is substantial damage to the Lee brand — and by consequence, the Singapore brand. Lee Wei Ling, Lee Hsien Yang and Li Shengwu do not want power for themselves, but they do want to delegitimise Lee Hsien Loong’s rule during his final 5–10 years in office and to spoil Li Hongyi’s entry into politics. His ambition is their ultimate target.
Their Facebook post was the first occasion on which there had been any word of Li Hongyi’s ambition from within the ruling elite — and it came in the form of a denunciation of dynastic ambition. In a country that brands itself as a meritocracy, such a suggestion is poisonous and — if made by anyone outside the family — would have resulted in legal action.
Furthermore, the news was delivered in such a way that it left Li Hongyi tainted by association with his father rather than his grandfather. Rightly or wrongly, the Lee Kuan Yew brand commands an extraordinarily high level of political capital — both domestically and internationally — because it is inextricably linked with the Singapore success story. No one who watched his funeral, Singapore’s 50th anniversary celebrations or the 2015 General Elections can doubt the power of his image — which, coincidentally, the Singapore government now regulates.
Instead of adding to the Lee family brand over the last 13 years, Lee Hsien Loong has been spending the social and political capital he inherited. Lee Hsien Loong’s personal brand is associated with his several apologies to the nation in 2011–13 for things going wrong in Singapore, as well as with the electoral setbacks of 2011. He clawed back ground in the 2015 General Elections only by capitalising on his father’s image at every turn. Now it seems the Lee Hsien Loong brand is also going to be associated with a nasty family dispute and the perception that he is trying to manoeuvre his son into power.
Hence, Li Hongyi now has a formidable task before him if he is to pursue a career in politics. He needs to build on his association with his grandfather while distancing himself from his father — but presumably while relying on his father to provide him the entrée into the halls of power.
This is not impossible. During his time in the Army, he carefully constructed an image for himself as a gadfly who defied protocol to criticise his betters and bring about reform. But doing the same thing to his father — while simultaneously relying on his father’s patronage and protection — would be very tricky indeed. He might find it more attractive to just enter the corporate sector and make a fortune. If he does, then history will be looking at the events of the last week as the turning point at which the fate of the Lee dynasty was decided.
Michael Barr is Associate Professor at the School of History and International Relations, Flinders University.
@ scroobal - guess they had to get Tharman to join the defence fray with more damaging revelations dripping out from the siblings - he skirted around the need for the committee to be "secret" from LWL and LHY - note the friendly pally "take a chill pill" approach...its business as usual
https://www.facebook.com/TharmanSha...904023672427/1725902947439189/?type=3&theater
Have confidence, folks.
I have to say there is no mystery as to why a Ministerial committee was set up to look into the options for 38 Oxley Road. DPM Teo, who chairs Cabinet on matters to do with the house, has explained straightforwardly why he set it up.
We in fact do this often - setting up special committees comprising a group of Ministers. We started the practice many years ago, and it has evolved. It’s how we ensure that important issues are given in-depth attention, and the options are weighed up by the Ministers closer to the issue, before Cabinet makes its decisions and takes collective responsibility. And it’s how we ensure that we are not a Government that operates in silos, that the national interest prevails even when there are valid sectoral or private interests, and that the long view prevails over the short view wherever possible.
That’s a challenge in governance that will never disappear, and is a challenge everywhere in the world. We have never got it perfect in Singapore, and let’s be frank, we’ve had our share of policies that have turned out quite wrong at different points in our history.
But we have a system of preserving the rule of law, and of policy-making that balances public against private interests, and the long term against the short term, that’s still a rarity in the world - and is at the core of how Singapore has succeeded. Starting with the foundation that Lee Kuan Yew and his team built. And continuing through government under Goh Chok Tong and Lee Hsien Loong and their teams.
We have Ministerial committees on a whole range of issues. They help us think through difficult choices in Government before they come to Cabinet, and to canvas views outside when appropriate. I chair several of them, especially when they concern social or economic issues; in the last month alone I met with five Ministerial committees that we had set up to develop policies on key issues.
Some Ministerial committees may sit for just a few months, because the problems can be sorted out quickly. But there are also committees that have to stay engaged for years - sometimes with new Ministers coming in - such as on foreign worker policies, and funding healthcare and retirement needs.
To give an example, since 2014 we have had a Ministerial Committee on Changi East Developments, to coordinate plans for the airport expansion, its manpower and security needs, the relocation of Paya Lebar airbase, industrial opportunities, land transport provisions, and housing development. It brings several Ministers together, supported by their civil servants, to find the best balance between different demands and plan our options for 10, 30 and 50 years ahead. That’s how long-term our planning has to be.
So have confidence, no matter today’s sad dispute. We have a system of governance that Lee Kuan Yew and his team built, and it isn’t going away. You can count on PM Lee Hsien Loong and all of us in his team for that. You can count on the fourth generation leaders to keep to a system that upholds the laws of the land, prioritises the common good and looks to the long term. Never thinking Government has got everything right, but always wanting to do right for Singapore. And count on Singaporeans to ensure Government sticks to those principles - and to play our part collectively to keep Singapore united and inclusive.
https://www.facebook.com/TharmanSha...904023672427/1725902947439189/?type=3&theater
Have confidence, folks.
I have to say there is no mystery as to why a Ministerial committee was set up to look into the options for 38 Oxley Road. DPM Teo, who chairs Cabinet on matters to do with the house, has explained straightforwardly why he set it up.
We in fact do this often - setting up special committees comprising a group of Ministers. We started the practice many years ago, and it has evolved. It’s how we ensure that important issues are given in-depth attention, and the options are weighed up by the Ministers closer to the issue, before Cabinet makes its decisions and takes collective responsibility. And it’s how we ensure that we are not a Government that operates in silos, that the national interest prevails even when there are valid sectoral or private interests, and that the long view prevails over the short view wherever possible.
That’s a challenge in governance that will never disappear, and is a challenge everywhere in the world. We have never got it perfect in Singapore, and let’s be frank, we’ve had our share of policies that have turned out quite wrong at different points in our history.
But we have a system of preserving the rule of law, and of policy-making that balances public against private interests, and the long term against the short term, that’s still a rarity in the world - and is at the core of how Singapore has succeeded. Starting with the foundation that Lee Kuan Yew and his team built. And continuing through government under Goh Chok Tong and Lee Hsien Loong and their teams.
We have Ministerial committees on a whole range of issues. They help us think through difficult choices in Government before they come to Cabinet, and to canvas views outside when appropriate. I chair several of them, especially when they concern social or economic issues; in the last month alone I met with five Ministerial committees that we had set up to develop policies on key issues.
Some Ministerial committees may sit for just a few months, because the problems can be sorted out quickly. But there are also committees that have to stay engaged for years - sometimes with new Ministers coming in - such as on foreign worker policies, and funding healthcare and retirement needs.
To give an example, since 2014 we have had a Ministerial Committee on Changi East Developments, to coordinate plans for the airport expansion, its manpower and security needs, the relocation of Paya Lebar airbase, industrial opportunities, land transport provisions, and housing development. It brings several Ministers together, supported by their civil servants, to find the best balance between different demands and plan our options for 10, 30 and 50 years ahead. That’s how long-term our planning has to be.
So have confidence, no matter today’s sad dispute. We have a system of governance that Lee Kuan Yew and his team built, and it isn’t going away. You can count on PM Lee Hsien Loong and all of us in his team for that. You can count on the fourth generation leaders to keep to a system that upholds the laws of the land, prioritises the common good and looks to the long term. Never thinking Government has got everything right, but always wanting to do right for Singapore. And count on Singaporeans to ensure Government sticks to those principles - and to play our part collectively to keep Singapore united and inclusive.
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If I remember correctly this was initially revealed by Scroobal (or another one of the forumers here) when LWL started the ball rolling on this...so it is likely he just posted from whatever he got here....
Sneak is not referring to her like a thief entering a house; but more on the approach that she took in getting the docs belonging to LKY while he is lying in ICU.
Fishy, and todate about why GOODYEAR immediately tendered his resignation after trying to take over Ho Jin remains a mystery. Trying to connect the dot about this mysterious PM's wife. Have she plummetted our reserves that we need to always have an obedient president to keep it secret?
Yes, JA Tay Yong Kwang did not want to include the affidavit from the siblings and did not identify the person who handed over the transcript and said it was irrelevant. Guess they decided to appeal to the High Court of Facebook to seek justice.
but she held the balls of many sinkies in ransom until 70% became balless and have no other option but to vote for her husband. If this is not conflict of interest what is?
If Mark Zuckerbergerg locked lhy fb. Will lhy come to sbf???
If he come to SBF, I will up his point immediately, mai tu liao
Interesting turn - slight knock to his credibility to spill damning insights:
http://mothership.sg/2017/06/ho-chi...ien-yang-said-she-had-taken-lkys-papers-oops/
Ho Ching was not in Singapore on the date Lee Hsien Yang said she had taken LKY’s papers. Oops.
Nice try. Next Facebook post please.
In his latest Facebook post on his feud with brother Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Hsien Yang (LHY) trained his sights on his sister-in-law, Temasek Holdings CEO Ho Ching, claiming that she had accessed founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew’s papers and handed them to the National Heritage Board (NHB), after LKY was admitted to hospital on Feb. 5, 2015.
LHY used strong language to describe Ho’s conduct, describing what had happened on Feb 6 as “deeply troubling”, given that she did not hold any official position, but yet purportedly acted under the “auspices” of the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).
Ho has not made any clarifications so far.
But an online search throws up a PMO press release that announced PM’s visit to Germany and Spain from Feb 1 to 6, 2015.
The third paragraph from the end stated that Ho accompanied PM for the visit to two European countries.
The last paragraph also stated that then Deputy Prime Minister, Co-ordinating Minister for National Security and Minister for Home Affairs Teo Chee Hean was the Acting Prime Minister from Feb 1 to 7, 2015, which indicated that PM Lee and his delegation would not have returned to Singapore before Feb 7.
Because a picture is worth a thousand words, here’s one photo of Ho from PM Facebook on Feb 7, 2015:
LHY has since backtracked on his allegations by posting this update:
CNA has kindly pointed out to us that Ho Ching may have been on an official trip on 6 Feb. In that case, since this official NHB document lists Ho Ching as the PMO point of contact, can she please identify the subordinate she instructed to take our father’s belongings?
But it remains unclear why National Heritage Board would want to accept those papers in the first place, before LKY’s passing (Mar 23, 2015).
Anyway, let’s thank CNA for becoming LHY’s very own researcher. It’s a pity he prefers to give exclusive interviews to the international media though.
Did she apologize when she lost billions in bad investments
I believe the kickbacks were good :p
38 Ox happy happy can go in and take things? No entry exit records?
I was told that family knew that Ho was going to catalogue old man's collections in relation to his work and she took extended leave from Temasek.
Looks like she started before he died and forbany family it is inconsiderate conduct. She handing over the oral archives made it worse.
Looks like she started before he died and forbany family it is inconsiderate conduct. She handing over the oral archives made it worse.
It's okay. Lee Hsien Yang is not familiar with all the Facebooks buttons. As a matter of fact he constantly consults Ho Ching on how to exercise accuracy and caution before posting stuff on Facebook. To all you detractors my monkey middle finger to you!
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